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abolitionmediaD. Chatzivasileiadis: International Call for the Revolutionary Union of AnarchistsFirst part, introductory: 12th of February 2012On 12 February 2012 the last big battle of the anti-austerity movement (in the Greek territory) took place. Other open battles followed in the following years, but after that day, when the movement realized that it had reached the limits of its power, it did not revive. The objective of this longstanding insurrectionary movement, which was to cancel the parliament during the passing of the controversial laws or even to occupy it, was lost for good during the popular attempt on 12/2/2012. It was the biggest militant gathering since 1973. Half a million people, once again, but for what would be the last time, surrounded the central institution of the regime and after being repelled by chemical bombardment, we made persistent efforts to reach the target again. The state’s military machine, without resorting to the use of standard weapons of warfare, overpowered a huge yet unarmed mass of people.The turning point of the anti-austerity movement became a critical juncture for various poles of the anti-authoritarian movement that led them to prioritize the question of the revolutionary program and the question of organization. We all recognized the impasse of one-dimensional insurrectionism, that is, of the deferral of all questions to the dynamics of the insurgent mass and to the moment of insurrection. However, the road to overcoming all the culminated weaknesses remained blurred. The program and the political organization became the new points of deferral for all critical issues, while denouncing insurrectionary practice. On the other hand, for the political poles who denied the necessity of organizational unity, it was enough to distort the experience and the project of the insurrection into an ephemeral experience or into an expression of the prevalence of alternativist experimentation. The advocates of the need for organization of the popular power were few and weak within the political balances in the movement; they were voices that stemmed from armed practice and were therefore capable of being conscious of the material conditions of the current class-political conflict. Both those who replaced insurrectionism with organizationalism and those who removed the subversive substance of insurrection, underestimated the revolutionary qualities of the struggling mass. It is enough to make an observation from the depths of Bolshevik social democracy a century ago, not famous for its insurrectionism, in order to leave behind these conservative positions as the prehistory of bourgeois philosophy. Antonio Gramsci: “The use of the word spontaneous is elitist because it refers to a scholastic and academic conception that identifies as true and worthy of consideration only those insurrectionary movements that are 100% conscious, meaning movements that are guided by premeditation to the last detail or placed along an abstract theoretical line”1. Structurelessness [tn: otherwise known as informalismo] and alternativism fall under the same critique invertedly, because they also separate social spontaneity from revolutionary orientation and the capacity for readiness, so as to identify as genuine, spontaneous and authentic only those movements that seem to favor the validation of such a separation. A recent example is the separation of the 1st Palestinian Intifada from the organized armed resistance, in the service of the repudiation of the October 7 revolutionary initiative.The reintroduction of the issues about program and organization also reactivated the questions of the relations between political and class or social organization, the question about competency over drafting the program and about its class basis. Within the course of the dialogue on the issue of organization in the past five years locally (Athens), collective proposals and personal theoretical positions have been formed with references to the Platform of Dielo Truda. Since 2020, from the state of exile and from prison, I have taken a position on these key issues in a number of analytical texts. The evolution of the class-political struggle on a global scale, the state of the anarchist movement internationally and the directions that the use of platformist ideas in the Greek movement have taken, require the articulation of a precise proposal on the union of anarchists today; a proposal for the renewal and not the distortion and burial of our revolutionary history. Many of us have participated in the struggle for organization over the last decade. Also many study history and the active dialogue. Judging that currently in the Greek movement there is no declared project of revolutionary anarchist organization, and from the state of being incarcerated, I aim to address directly (and therefore simultaneously) the whole of the anarchist movement locally and internationally. The very logic of my proposal, which I consider to emanate from the historical lessons of revolutionary anarchism, requires that it be communicated over the maximum geographical range without delay. As a prisoner of the revolutionary people’s war, who unwaveringly advocates subversive action and organization, I ought to give this political proposal the character of a call.My text will come in segments, so that it may be easily understood. It will be published in sequences, and in order to save time I will avoid repeating the arguments I have already presented in previous texts. I am addressing the comrades who want to understand. I will briefly discuss the basics, the conclusions and the coherent train of thought. In the part where I describe the theoretical model and the general organizational path of the anarchist union, I will be particularly specific and accompany the text with diagrams.With the invaluable solidarity of a few comrades, the text can initially be published in both Greek and English. Its republication and translation into other languages will be an indicator of its recognition or rejection as a fruitful proposal.The first question that needs to be answered before I proceed is the productive order of the questions posed. First comes the program or the organization? First the political or the class/social organization? Past, present and future of practical theory, in what order? There are six different arrangements of time points and each gives a reading of the universe from a different starting point. Which is most appropriate for developing a proposal for revolutionary organization? I will directly note the general order and in the course the sequence of specific themes will become clear. The discussion about organizational questions presupposes that we determine the goal. The general revolutionary program comes first. Therefore, we begin with what follows and what is to come, in accordance with the revolutionary purpose and revolutionary practice as preconditions. Then we go through the history of our purpose, its practice and its organization, so that we can discuss on the current context bearing the knowledge of our history. Revolutionary practice is a restoration of the optimum of the evolutionary path of the human species and a rupture from the historical chains of our class-political weaknesses. This brings us to the topical program of struggle and after that particularly to the organizational program. Although the general revolutionary program, which refers to the whole of the revolutionary social subject, precedes the discussion on the matter of political organization, the questions about the general organization of the social/class movement and of the social revolution appear downsized and distorted when the revolutionary vision is actively absent. Thus, while the social movement is the matrix and not a mechanical extension of political organizations, it is misleading to discuss its development if we have not defined our basic commitments as comrades and interlocutors on the subject. The questions on social self-direction and classless reconstruction are the last to be dealt with, but we must certainly deal with them, although the last word is always with bodies much broader than political organizations.Second part: A basic coherent program of class liberation and social self-management.For ten years now, since the preliminary work for the formation of an anarchist political organization in the Greek movement, there has been much talk about the “revolutionary program”. The program is signified as the expected new testament that will solve the riddles of history. All the investments in the program, which is always postponed, focus on the revolutionary social transformation after the overthrow of state and capitalist power. Do we really need such a program? If so, why was the international revolutionary proletarian movement of the last two centuries incapable of drawing it up, but we, the modern Greek philosophers of anarchy are capable?Yes, a defined revolutionary cause is required for the revolutionary struggle. Revolution is a total social transformation, since, even if it does not immediately change everything, it puts everything under trial under unified criteria. A general program of social transformation is necessary for the orientation of the revolutionary struggle.The evolution of social intelligence in general and the struggles of the exploited classes during the centuries of domination of the capitalist mode of production in particular, made the drafting of an anti-capitalist revolutionary program necessary and feasible. We have had this program for centuries now, at least ever since Babeuf, or rather since the Münster Commune and beyond. Liberation of the producers from the domination of capital and social self-management through the producers’ associations and the communities [tn: otherwise, the demos]… As long as we are still within capitalism, the idea remains radical, but anyone who presents it as new is rather self-satisfiedThose convinced of the absence of the revolutionary program will object that the above statement is a truism of zero value in terms of the need they point out, because the general historical program is too abstract. We agree, but the discussion must begin with the recognition that we have the general program in many variations and with plenty of experiences of its imperfect application. Nor is there any lack of specificity. In the anarchist movement alone, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, the revolution in Ukraine, Dielo Truda, the CNT, other libertarian revolutionary projects (Korea, China), etc., have formulated and/or implemented concrete programs. Were they all incomplete? There are two ways to answer the question, an idealist-elitist one and a materialist-prudent one. One version: they lacked a consistent concretization of the ideal. Who defines the criteria of consistency with the ideal? The concretization of the ideal and the determination of the criteria of consistency are a tautology. Only a new concretization can become a criterion of inconsistency. But then, since the judgment is applied retrospectively, it is authoritarian, claiming ownership of “authenticity”. Moreover, such judgments are ahistorical. So we go to the other version. Each program expresses a historically finite subjectivity. Therefore, the topical reformulation of the general program is constantly necessary. Let’s be cautious here. We are dealing with two dimensions of change: on the one hand, the general conditions of the class-political struggle and the material conditions evolve, and on the other hand, the subjects who through their struggle reassess, reformulate, etc. are renewed. An important evolutionary social contribution of the anarchist movement is the political cultivation of openly composing collective thought. The reformulation of historical reference data by every subject of revolutionary struggle brings history and writings to life. Each new reformulation is a piece that was inevitably missing due to historical dialectics and will become a new testament, but it cannot be “The Program”. This exists only in the most abstract political-social purpose, always within historical limits and has been formulated long before. Openness to reformulations is not of interest to us as a matter of epistemological relativism, although it is inherent as a natural parameter – it is of interest to us from the point of view of the needs, relations and possibilities of each struggling subject and, fundamentally, of the active and therefore primarily living subjects. In the movement of social self-direction, of liberation from all class domination and incidentally from heteronomous political management, each participating subject specifies and revises all programs. No political subject can specify a revolutionary program in the absence of the subjects who will implement it. What is called a program can only be common as a process of practical transformation through successive formulations of collective judgments and new proposals. Save this observation for later.We go to the reflective dimension of change, to the historical objectivity of class-political conditions. Revolution is an antagonistic process. The time framework for the proposed program does not begin when the class-political enemy is eliminated, it begins every day anew, having as its horizon that catalytic moment. The separation of a stage of class-political antagonism from the stage of social transformation is mechanistic, socially unnatural and a figment of the crudest bourgeois mentality. To say from a materialist and not an idealist position that the end is determined by the means is to say that the process of conflict and the process of social transformation are a single process with two aspects at once, its relation to the class-historical establishment and its relation to the freedom it brings about. The general leaps are made thanks to the development of the unity of the two aspects; they do not confirm the postponement of social transformation and the reduction of the conflict to a mediating stage, a “necessary evil” in contradiction to the ideal end. The answer to “how do we get there?” is the practical “this is how we apply the purpose here and now”. The “grand program” is concretized in the set of current programs of immediate subversive action and social reconstruction, programs whose implementation began centuries ago and is still a long way off.The real pivotal issue in any program is not the concretization of the ideal, but the concretization of the ways of struggle in the present evolutionary phase of the ongoing historical antagonism between revolution and counter-revolution and its forthcoming phases. The anti-austerity movement failed to block the bourgeois parliament, not because it did not know what to do next, but because it was not suitably and sufficiently organized class-wise, socially and politico-militarily to overpower the counterinsurgency at the contested point that would objectively open up the prospect of revolutionary directions, if there existed political subjects ready for that. Every program is determined through the day-to-day specific terms of the conflict between revolution and counter-revolution, and the program must be basic in terms of the temporally immediate correlation of ends and means and coherent in terms of the temporally immediate requirements of revolutionary unity. Great revolutionary ideas take concrete radical forms through these two practical immediacies (of becoming and totality).Historically there is one ideal program common to all those who desire the abolition of exploitation. Even the liberal left agrees that the form of polity that has historically been called anarchy is the ideal. Political programs differ along the way. Marxists place stages in the program for overcoming bourgeois civilization, especially Leninists mediate evolution with the political party state, liberals do not recognize any way outside the gradual transformation of the present state, i.e. they are reformists in the narrow sense, while liberal anti-authoritarians hope for changes to occur in ideas and morals that will overpower and paralyze the power of the state. Historically, we have not been called anarchists in general those of us who value the anarchist vision – I know right-wingers who embrace it – but those who fight for the direct overthrow of capitalism and the state. The different programs may converge in the different partial albeit necessary struggles, even in projects of overthrowing political regimes. For example, I note only the collaboration of Italian anarchists and republicans in the Spanish anti-fascist front2 . However, different political programs define different and antagonistic intermediate goals and to varying degrees different practices and types of organization. Precisely because the points of conflict run through the general struggle and there come moments when non-anarchist co-fighters assume pro-regime positions and cross over to the enemy side or become the new counter-revolution, the distinct anarchist program demands an autonomous political base (drastically, productively/organizationally, programmatically/ideologically) to withstand the alternations of the counter-revolution and move forward stronger in its perspective. Thus the crucial concretization of the anarchist revolutionary program does not involve the theoretically specific questions of post-revolutionary social organization, but the immediate class-political conditions of foundation and coherence. The ways in which we struggle, before defining exactly the imaginary vision of the society we want, first define our determination to actually get there.The political anarchist organization, that is, the united direct and programmatic action of people who are practically committed to the struggle for anarchy, is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the implementation of an anarchist program of revolutionary struggle. A mass workers’ or broader social/proletarian movement in general does not suffice either. Revolutionary struggle does not move forward without the organizational correlation of its political purpose and its social/class basis. It requires the organization of the social/class struggle in politically autonomous terms (ideological, programmatic, material and practical). The development of class and social organizations of direct struggle in fundamental political terms is a basic condition for the unfolding of a revolutionary anarchist program. Based on its class-political, class-social and socio-political organic unity, the revolutionary anarchist movement can and does become coherent in direct struggle, co-forming conditions of politically broader co-organization and front-line struggles. In terms of its syntax, every class or even social organization has a political identity. Also the characteristics of social/class fronts express political relations. The revolutionary anarchist organization and its programmatic proposals do not intervene in what is falsely regarded as neutral organizational social spaces, instead they organize social space in libertarian revolutionary terms and thus intervene in the class-political struggle and position themselves within the popular world. The socio-political bases of the evolving anarchist program are furthermore the defining foundations for the revolutionary transformations that can be made after a defeat of the counter-revolution. The constants of the direct struggle on the class field concretize the ‘grand program’.I think it’s clear that I entered the subject of so-called organizational dualism. I will come back to it later, analyzing the issues of revolutionary anarchist organization and program in their topicality. For now, however, take it for granted that, in this political proposal, duality (or trinity, by distinguishing community-based self-organization in class-political oppression and exploitation and the territorial self-organization of the free community) does not distinguish social/class identities from political ones and does not imply the recognition of an apolitical universal class organizational field. For which class organizations does it make sense to be based on the synthesis of different political identities? Those formations that can be open to the cooperation of existing class-political and socio-political organizations and their counterpart at the most elementary scale of organization, such as labour unions of a particular company or business and local popular assemblies. A grassroots sectoral union, a Nth grade federation or a social structure and a supra-local organ of social self-management are always created with a specific political vision, which is inscribed in their aims, in their modes of struggle and in their modes of internal functioning. Logically, the subordination of class or social organizations to the political organization puts a stranglehold on mass participation or grassroots autonomy. However, the anarchist revolutionary organization has a duty and need to take initiatives to build up and engage participation in grassroots organizations consistent with its program.What distinguishes the anarchist revolutionary program from any other political program? I noted earlier that all other paths invest in stages contradictory to the ultimate goal. They do not simply anticipate that the struggle must cross successive antagonistic states, as any political subject would logically think, but more fundamentally they concentrate their forces on contradictory intermediate goals. All other currents characterize anarchism as utopian. Their discrediting claim against the anarchist struggle is based solely on the utopian character that their own programs ascribe to the ultimate cause. The liberal and Marxist left’s investment in intermediate stages, which bear elements of statism and capitalism, presents libertarian communism as utopian.3So, it is true to say that anarchist practice predominantly focuses on the consistency of ends and means. But this observation only applies to the ultimate end that other programs characterize as utopian. Statist political organizations are for the most part consistent with the most direct of their intermediate ends. It is important to understand this in order to be aware of the strengths and difficulties of the anarchist struggle. We turn to the question. The anarchist revolutionary program is not characterized by its consistency to the immediate, intermediate or ultimate goal, but by the immediacy of the ultimate goal. The anarchist program denies the denunciatory utopianism of bourgeois socialist theories.The power of our programmatic proposals is the immediate implementation of the conditions of the stated purpose. Immediacy in time: Now! Immediacy of subject: Us, here, the oppressed popular body. Here and now.Immediate implementation of the conditions that the Revolutionary Self-Defense Organization4 had summarized in the three basic directions for the contemporary international revolutionary movement that will abolish the domination of state and capital:Α. The immediate aim is the overthrow of the political-military and financial regime, the overthrow of state institutions and the uprooting of mechanisms of authority. Β. The immediate aim is the socialization of all wealth through armed communes that should and must be established today by the revolutionary action of labor and community assemblies and the formation of open federal structures in an universal framework. Self-organization of the confrontation must aim at pushing back exploitation and control, it must also reinforce the self-defense of the social movement and of all its advances. Fighters have the socio-political duty to transfuse class and social resistances with the paradigm of direct counterattack against the political-military and economic regime and with the experience which conveys that we can crush terrorism and its domination. C. Mass revolutionary self-organization, social self-direction here and now.Of course, if immediacy is not applied to the proposition itself, i.e. if the proposition is not manifested in practice, then the term of immediacy is false and the proposition loses its validity. The anarchist program does not wait for elections, some definitive insurrection or a universal ecumenical assembly and consensus to be implemented. It is from their immediate revolutionary deed that anarchist proposals derive their crystal clear and unparalleled truth and, incidentally, their social force.The particularly great difficulties and the heavy tasks of the anarchist struggle derive from the same point. To fight today, cutting all bridges with the old world. This is what consistency to immediacy means. For a century and a half now the anarchist movement has built a legacy of paradigms of self-sacrificing immediacy. Its history and its truth have brought it to the strongest position of influence among the currents of resistance within the capitalist metropolis in the last half century.Nevertheless, the rejection of intermediate stages in which established political conditions prevail, rejection which implies allowing for the direct responsibilities to be determined and scrutinized by the struggling subjects, is open to interpretations that are blatantly contradictory to the duty of immediacy and to the determination of any common criterion of consistency. Undoubtedly, the commitment to the immediacy of the social purpose makes the responsibilities vis a vis the objective conditions of domination, exploitation, extermination, etc., heavier and more radical; far from being relativistic or fragmentary and negligible. The ideology of “freedom of choice” between fields and forms of struggle is a cover for a self-serving conservatism, which, being uncommitted to any immediate duty with regards to the class-political conditions, tends to attribute a minimum of radicalism or even reactionary stances in its association with the class or political frontier (e.g. in relation to the Palestinian resistance). Where bourgeois conventions do not apply, there it becomes apparent whether the refusal of intermediate conventional goals is an expression of direct struggle and a commitment to march to the completion of the struggle or an idealistic evasion.The ideology of “freedom of choice” is also projected deceptively with seemingly serious political terms by collective subjects who present themselves as advocates of robust organization: practical and programmatic commitments that are fundamental in the aforementioned terms of immediacy are respectively called tactics and strategies that are optional according to circumstances. This ideological modesty manifests itself precisely where circumstances are the product of conservative fixation on underlying weaknesses.The culmination of this deconstructive relativism is the common use of the natural consequence of the consistency between ends and means (renamed as an anarchist ‘principle’), in order to claim inaction due to the condition about not violating the ‘principles’. Like the hypocrisy of the religious zealots, it doesn’t matter if you do what is necessary or you do nothing against the savagery of authority and the tragedy of the times, as long as you do nothing that falls into or resembles the political practices of the politically intermediate stages. In this normative context the ideologically safest option is to do nothing.The evasions from the heavy tasks of immediacy confirm the reactionary denunciation of anarchism as a utopian political current. In the historical flow of the struggle, however, it is subversive acts, not unarmed declarations, that count more.<ol><li>From the book by Raúl Zibechi, Dispersing Powers: Social Movements as Anti-State Forces (AK Press, 2010)</li><li>Umberto Tomazini, The Anarchist Blacksmith, ed. Eutopia, Athens 2024</li><li>The platformist organizations UNIPA and OPAR in their project have analyzed the historical reversal of the accusation about utopianism and the opportunist motive of Marxist utopianism. (<a href="https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/documentos/documentos-internacionais/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/documentos/documentos-internacionais/</a>)</li><li><a href="https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1592926/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1592926/</a></li></ol>Received by email<a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=16848" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=16848</a><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anarchist/" target="_blank">#anarchist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anarchist-prisoners/" target="_blank">#AnarchistPrisoners</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/dimitris-chatzivasiliadis/" target="_blank">#DimitrisChatzivasiliadis</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/europe/" target="_blank">#europe</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/greece/" target="_blank">#greece</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/internationalist/" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/platformism/" target="_blank">#platformism</a>

abolitionmediaInternational Call for a Day of Action in Memory of Anarchist Comrade Kyriakos XimitirisAthens, Greece.We call on comrades around the world for an international day of action in memory of the death of anarchist warrior and beloved comrade Kyriakos Ximitiris (November 16).We invite comrades from abroad to send messages that they would like us to read at the political rally in memory of comrade Kyriakos, which will take place on the same day in Athens.synelallil@riseup.netOctober 31 forever engraved in the heart of every warrior.With rage and determination we stand by our comrades.On 31/10/204, after a device exploded in an apartment in Ampelokipoi, our anarchist comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris fell in the battle for social and class liberation, while our anarchist comrade Marianna M., who was also in the apartment, ended up with multiple injuries and is so far being treated and guarded at the Evangelismos Hospital. At the same time, two more people were arrested and taken for investigation, comrade Dimitris and anarchist comrade Dimitra were arrested.Comrade Marianna M. is detained and guarded in Evangelismos, with all the repressive apparatus and the anti-terrorism agency with the aim of extracting statements from the comrade. We have not forgotten the cases of torture of comrades who were captured and guarded in health institutions and suffered physical abuse through medical practices, being exploited in their physical, emotional and mental state. Such impositions of state power are clearly torture.It should not cross their minds that the police continue to exert pressure or continue the process of (pre)investigation on the seriously injured comrade Marianna, while she is hospitalized and trying to manage the emotional, spiritual and political burden after the explosion. Their interrogation is torture and all kinds of participants in it are torturers of state power.The administration and staff of Evangelismos have the primary responsibility for anything that happens to our comrade. Any member of the medical community who consents to or simply remains silent in such a process will be complicit in the intentional state violence and attempted torture of comrade Marianna. State violence has been perpetrated against our comrade with the anti-terrorist bastards taking her fingerprints, while she was under the care of medical personnel, without having left danger and without her consent, since she was unconscious.The cannibalism on the faces and bodies of the comrades has begun with all kinds of methods of the entire state apparatus under the guidance of the anti-terrorist agency and the Ministry for Citizen Protection Chrysochoidis. Their slanders on television channels and the front pages of the well-known media thugs is another part of the media’s emetic role of state and capitalist propaganda. The detailed reporting and the release of photos and videos of the scene of the incident punish the dead comrade and capture the brutality faced by his family and loved ones. At the same time, with the depoliticization of the action of our comrades, they are being presented as amoral terrorists who destroy the homes of citizens, with the aim of isolating them socially to expose them to repression.The state, its ideological mechanisms and its capital are once again trying to strike at the lines of the movement, to annul its political contents, its options for struggle and its decades of revolutionary tradition. Before comrade Marianna recovers her strength and speaks as she wants and as the dead comrade would wish, they have furiously unleashed state propaganda against them, against the whole world of the Struggle and its options. The derision and slander of the revolutionary struggle are equal to the spear of counter-revolutionary propaganda. We firmly oppose it, defending the revolutionary cause, but also the will of the people who are in the framework of repression.The events of 31/10 and the political choices of the struggle that led to them will not be commented on by the thugs of the state machinery and capital. The comrade who suffered and paid a high price and the comrades who are persecuted for it will speak first, when they wish.The movement will speak, all of us who walked together with comrade Kyriakos and comrade Marianna, who were inspired and continue to be inspired by their clear vision and their unwavering commitment. We, who recognize their presence in all fields of struggle, and realize that comrades are the embodiment of open dialogue within the movement. The comrades have dedicated their lives to the struggle against oppression, to build a world of equality and freedom, taking responsibility and the decisions that led to Kyriakos’ death and Marianna to be imprisoned and receive multiple injuries. With their attitude and their presence they have given themselves body, soul and thought to the revolutionary Cause and on this path they are in the vanguard of society in struggle.Marianna and Kyriakos for years have been continuously present in solidarity projects with prisoners, in the internationalist movement against the war, in the struggle for Palestinian resistance, in the actions of defense of the Exarchia neighborhood, in the struggles within the universities, in the defense of liberated spaces, of occupations and in all social and class struggles. Dedicated to these struggles, always ready to discover together their most rebellious extensions. Not only have they theoretically defended the multifaceted struggle for social liberation, but they are its most faithful incarnation. They have taken a position of struggle, by all means, against the world of power, the State, capital, racism, patriarchy, on the side of the oppressed and the rebels, always with the vision of a better world, a world of solidarity, equality and freedom.Against a world that marginalizes anyone who does not fit into its normality, that naturalizes the exploitation and oppression of those from below, the anarchist-anti-authoritarian movement fights by all means. It is the multiform action that will lead to radicalization and the fullness of our responses and to our attack on what exists. The options of revolutionary counterviolence and armed struggle, as an integral part of the multifaceted struggle, exceed the limits of bourgeois legitimacy and challenge the state monopoly of violence. It is these options of struggle that keep the thread of the rebellion alive from that November of 1973 until today. Such choices are an integral part of a historical insurrectionary continuum, which keeps the vision of social revolution alive in our hearts and minds.The operation to undermine the revolutionary discourse and the subsequent repression shows that the bastards of the agencies of state terror fear people who do not compromise with injustice, inequality, exploitation. Against the propaganda and intimidation operation of the State and the bosses, as well as against the attempt to depoliticize the improved options, we first respond politically and regardless of the specific case. We owe it, apart from everyone else, to all those who gave their lives, to those who were imprisoned, to those who fought during so many years of social and class war. Armed struggle is an integral part of the radical movement, of the multifaceted social and class struggle, deeply rooted in our militant tradition, and we defend it without compromise.Against the world of individuation and fatalism, we raise the struggle by all means. We strengthen each other, we defend our comrades. Undoubtedly, comrades and friends, no one will be left alone against the repressive campaign of the state and capital. In the face of the anti-terrorist tactics and cannibalism of the media, may our solidarity be a bulwark for our captive comrades and any other prosecution. Repression does not scare us and we will support each other without hesitation.TO NOT LAY DOWN ARMS FOR COMRADE MARIANNAKYRIAKOS XIMOTIRIS, ONE OF US, ALWAYS WITH US IN THE WAYS OF FIREFREEDOM FOR COMRADE DIMITRIS AND ANARCHIST COMRADE DIMITRAAssembly in solidarity with the imprisoned, fugitive, and persecuted warriors.Source: <a href="https://lazarzamora.cl/?p=13158" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">La Zarzamora</a><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/anarchist/" target="_blank">#anarchist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/armed-struggle/" target="_blank">#armedStruggle</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/call-to-action/" target="_blank">#callToAction</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/europe/" target="_blank">#europe</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/greece/" target="_blank">#greece</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/internationalist/" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/kyriakos-xymitiris/" target="_blank">#KyriakosXymitiris</a>

abolitionmediaHe is an important figure of the African revolution who would have turned 100 on September 12, but his life ended in 1973 due to his assassination at the hands of Portuguese colonialism. Amílcar Cabral left his mark on the history of the African continent. Diagne Fodé Roland pays tribute to him and stresses that the legacy of this great thinker is still relevant today.Outraged by the Portuguese fascist colonial oppression, especially after the successive famines that caused 50,000 deaths between 1941 and 1948 in Cape Verde, Amílcar Cabral decided to train in agronomy with the aim of helping peasants and studied agricultural engineering until 1952 in Lisbon, capital of Portugal.There he met student activists for the liberation of the African colonies from Portuguese imperialism. With these activists of the independence struggle in western and southern Portuguese-speaking Africa, such as Agostinho Neto (MPLA), Eduardo Mondlane of FRELIMO, etc., they clandestinely created the Center for African Studies to promote the culture of colonized black peoples and collaborated with the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) (also clandestine). These future leaders were trained in scientific communism and decided to found the anti-colonial liberation movements in their respective countries.Cabral decided to resign from his position as a researcher at the Agronomic Station of Lisbon (Portugal) to work as a second-rate engineer in Guinea, where he was responsible for the agricultural census that allowed him to identify the nationalities and social classes that made up Guinea.In 1954 he created a nationalist political organization in Bissau under the pretext of promoting cultural and sports activities. This association was banned by the Portuguese colonialists and Cabral was expelled from his own country to settle in Angola, where he coordinated tasks for agricultural companies.These investigations and studies of the peasantry under colonialism allowed him to apply dialectical and historical materialism, and to develop his own analysis of colonial society by adapting scientific communism to African realities.In 1956, after being authorized to return once a year to Guinea-Bissau, he clandestinely founded the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands) of which he was appointed secretary general.After the fascist colonial massacre during the dockers’ strike in 1959, the PAIGC opted in 1963 for armed combat and fought against the Portuguese army on several fronts in the neighboring countries, Guinea Conakry and Casamance, province of Senegal.The PAIGC quickly controlled 50% of the territory in 1966 and 70% from 1968 onwards, and created a political-administrative organization in the liberated areas, the characteristics of which Cabral explains as follows: “The dynamics of the struggle require the practice of democracy, criticism and self-criticism, a greater participation of the population in the management of their lives, literacy, the creation of schools and health services, the training of leaders of peasant and worker origin, and many other achievements that imply a real forced march of society along the path of cultural progress. This shows that the struggle for liberation is not only a cultural fact, but also a cultural factor.”Cabral developed a detailed analysis of the national realities and contradictions of Guinean and Cape Verdean society in order to determine the national and social groups most capable of engaging in the struggle against colonialism.In 1961 he was a representative of the liberation movements of the countries colonized by fascist Portugal during the Third Conference of African Peoples that took place in Cairo. Starting from the Leninist formula of “concrete analysis of each concrete situation”, he explained that the struggle must “strengthen the means of action […], develop effective forms and create others, on the basis of knowledge of the concrete reality of Africa and of each African country, and of the universal content of the experiences acquired in other environments and by other peoples”.Cabral teaches us that nationalities and social classes must be studied based on the fact that “people do not fight for ideals or for what does not interest them directly; people fight for concrete things, for better living conditions in peace and for the future of their children. Liberty, fraternity and equality are empty words if they do not mean a real improvement in the lives of people who struggle.”Cabral combined the ideological and political-military struggle with the diplomatic struggle to achieve recognition of the battle for anti-colonial liberation on an international scale. In 1972, the UN recognized the PAIGC as “the true and legitimate representative of the peoples of Guinea and Cape Verde.”Cabral was also the “ambassador-spokesman” of the national liberation movements of the Portuguese colonies in various African and international forums. He was the undisputed leader, especially at the Tricontinental conference where he took the floor on January 6, 1966 in Cuba to present his revolutionary theory of African national and social emancipation: “We do not fight simply to put a flag in our country and have an anthem, but so that our peoples are never again exploited, not only by the imperialists, not only by the Europeans, not only by white-skinned people, because we do not confuse exploitation or the factors of exploitation with the skin color of men; we don’t want there to be more exploitation in our country, not even by black people.”Acknowledging both the internationalist role of Cuba and the pan-African role of independent Algeria for its active solidarity with all liberation movements in Africa, he declared: “Christians go to the Vatican, Muslims to Mecca and revolutionaries to Algiers.”Unfortunately, Amílcar Cabral was assassinated on January 20, 1973 in Conakry by Portuguese colonialism that used agents infiltrated in the military branch of the PAIGC to commit this crime, which prevented the true father of independence from experiencing the birth of the State of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde proclaimed on September 10, 1974.Hero and martyr of the first phase of African liberation, Cabral should serve as an inspiration for the current generation of fighters for the second phase of the national, pan-African and social emancipation of the peoples of Africa.Source: Rebelion.Via <a href="https://www.resumenlatinoamericano.org/2024/09/20/africa-el-gran-pensador-de-la-revolucion-africana-amilcar-cabral-habria-cumplido-cien-anos/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Resumen Latinoamericano</a><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/09/21/the-great-thinker-of-the-african-revolution-amilcar-cabral-would-have-turned-one-hundred-years-old/" class="" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/09/21/the-great-thinker-of-the-african-revolution-amilcar-cabral-would-have-turned-one-hundred-years-old/</a><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/africa/" target="_blank">#africa</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/amilcar-cabral/" target="_blank">#amilcarCabral</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/cape-verde/" target="_blank">#capeVerde</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/guinea-bissau/" target="_blank">#guineaBissau</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/internationalist/" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/pan-african/" target="_blank">#panAfrican</a>

abolitionmediaWhether Palestine, Sudan, Congo, Yemen, Bangladesh or the Polish-Belarusian primeval forests and Europe’s outsourced borders in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia – terrible news of countless crimes and unimaginable suffering are coming from everywhere. Germany, truly a picture-book national power of the 21st century, is deeply involved in all these atrocities economically, militarily and politically.From our internationalist anarchist perspective, we want to deal with these issues in this group, show solidarity and become active.Special focus must be placed on the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the continuing oppression of Palestinians in the West Bank. Not only because death, abuse and destruction have reached unimaginable proportions, but also because the German state plays a central role in this. Germany unconditionally supports the state of Israel and Netanyahu’s right-wing extremist government and eagerly supplies weapons for all their inhumane acts. Large sections of the German population are adopting Germany’s interests, interpretations and goals. In addition, hardly any other protest movement is criminalized and ostracized as much as the Palestine solidarity movement: people are losing their jobs, subsidies and migrantised people can now be deported even for a like on the internet. Even the slightest deviation from the opinion defined as permissible by the state shows the state’s authoritarian face. After all, for the German media and state authorities, anyone who cares about Palestinians is an anti-Semite. Anyone who even slightly criticizes the existent Zionism and its consequences, as well as the right-wing extremist settlers, experiences hostility and repression. This is not only about the violence that emanates from the hand of the state through the police and laws, but also about the influence of tolerated media perspectives or deliberately one-sided reporting.When it comes to the suffering in Gaza, only the German left is more silent than the German media, especially (Leipzig) anarchists. And we don’t mean the anti-German „anarchists“ by their own definition, because they are unfortunately quite loud (even if they should really question whether these two world views are compatible in any way). We don’t want to go into their nationalistic nonsense here, but rather refer to the rest of the „scene“. Where are you? Where have you been in the last 10 months? Most left-wing groups have said exactly *nothing* about the genocide in Gaza – made in Germany. But honestly, we haven’t done much for just as long: After all, it also took us 10 months to get to this point from individual expressions of solidarity, social media posts and maybe once a demo while tolerating „anti-German“ blockaders* in our structures. While in virtually every other country in the world, the left has put pressure on governments, stopped ships for arms shipments, blocked highways and shown practical solidarity with Palestinians, we have been – silent. Why? When asked about this, many people try to talk their way out of it: It’s all very complex, people don’t have time to deal with it right now, we can’t solve it anyway, but the German guilt… There is a great fear of saying something „wrong“, of being called anti-Semitic, of being excluded from groups, of jeopardizing joint political work.But even if „anti-Germans“ are loud (after all, they have the support of the entire political spectrum from AfD to PdL), we must not make our political integrity and our solidarity dependent on what they accept. Let’s fight again – for solidarity and against every state, every oppression and every authority. Together. Across national borders. Internationalist and anti-nationally. Can we finally show that we are not in the same genocidal continuity as the state in which we live and thus regain the trust of our international comrades? This is exactly what we call on all people in organizations of social struggles and projects to do: Take a stand! Stand up to the anti-German (fake) hegemony in the structures of this city! Engage in these processes!Who are we?We are a group of internationalist, queerfeminist anarchists. We stand for the self-determination and self-management of all people, independent of all systems of domination, borders and nations, patriarchal oppression apartheid and exploitation. Especially in the belly of the beast, internationalism must again play a significant role, particularly within the left and libertarian socialists. No German government will voluntarily change anything about the neo-colonial exploitation of the countries of the Global South; it is much more important to build up counter-power here on the ground. Against the logic of nation states and their interests, against the power of borders, against the national „we“! For practical internationalism, for direct and cross-border solidarity with our class siblings all over the world!We are currently a group of exclusively queer, mostly trans* people. At the moment, all of us are white and most of us have no migration background. We are therefore not directly affected by many of the mechanisms of oppression and discrimination that we deal with. Overall, our struggles are interlinked and cannot be seen in isolation from each other. However, this still means that we are shaped by our German socialization and the privileges that come with it and that we have to be critically aware of this. It is important for us not to appropriate issues and struggles as „white saviours“ and present the „only right“ solution to those affected, but rather to be in exchange with the people who are fighting these struggles, to create learning spaces that are sensitive to discrimination and to enter into complicity with a focus on common desire and grief.What do we want?We have come together as the group <<Internationalist Anarchists Leipzig>> to organize ourselves with an explicitly internationalist and anti-authoritarian, anarchist and queerfeminist reference. In doing so, we want to offer ourselves as solidary alliance partners to the already existing internationalist and affected-oriented groups, whereby our analysis may of course differ in (partial) aspects. However, this should not prevent cooperation and broad solidarity. We also want to support existing local and internationalist struggles both publicly and practically. In the (public) debate on various topics, we want to learn for ourselves, sharpen our analytical view of the various contexts and provide accessible information on our website. To this end, we want to open up the group to interested parties and internationalist people in order to offer a platform for points of contact, networking and exchange on an anti-authoritarian basis.For feedback, questions or anything else you can write us an e-mail: internationalist_anarchists_le[ät]riseup[dot]netYou can find other (anarchist) Palestine solidarity groups on our website: <a href="https://internationalistanarchistsle.noblogs.org/english/shout-out/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://internationalistanarchistsle.noblogs.org/english/shout-out/</a>From:  <a href="https://internationalistanarchistsle.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/26/our-silence-pisses-us-off/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">International Anarchists Leipzig</a><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/26/internationalist-anarchists-leipzig-our-silence-pisses-us-off/" class="" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/08/26/internationalist-anarchists-leipzig-our-silence-pisses-us-off/</a><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/anarchist/" target="_blank">#anarchist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/europe/" target="_blank">#europe</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/germany/" target="_blank">#germany</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/internationalist/" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/leipzig/" target="_blank">#leipzig</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/palestine-solidarity/" target="_blank">#palestineSolidarity</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/queer/" target="_blank">#queer</a>

Abolition MediaHere We Are in the Army <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/AntiMilitarist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#AntiMilitarist</a> <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Internationalist</a><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/14/here-we-are-in-the-army/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/14/here-we-are-in-the-army/</a>

abolitionmediaA non-exhaustive cartography of European and Italian support for anarchists in the Kiev armyThe slope towards World War III looks increasingly slippery and unpredictable. After the failed counteroffensive of the Ukrainian army, and in anticipation of a probable Russian offensive in the summer, the European Union and the individual states of Western Europe are rushing to accelerated rearmament by increasing the production of ammunition1 in view of an increasingly less unlikely direct involvement. As Romania prepares to host Europe’s largest NATO base, tailor-made for the war on Russia2, several European states (including Germany, Denmark and France) have announced their willingness to strengthen military service or reintroduce conscription3, and some are even calling for a new Pearl Harbor to unite the European home front4. Meanwhile, the attack on Crocus City Hall seems all too apt to provide Putin with an opportunity for escalation5, and the carnage in Gaza is perhaps irreparably shaking the role of the Western bloc as guarantor of democratic values.In the scenario of the global inter-capitalist war that seems more and more like no return, the urgency of building an international mobilization that knows how to oppose a concrete resistance to the continuation of hostilities and tries to overturn the war of the bosses against the bosses is increasing every day. Yet, in Europe and Italy there are comrades busy supporting Zelensky’s army economically and politically, with solidarity projects that focus on providing military equipment to anarchists and left-wing militants who have chosen to enlist in the ranks of Kiev. It seems useful to us to document some of these bellicose tendencies of the anarchist and antagonistic movement in order to invite all comrades who maintain defeatist and internationalist positions to speak out and to intensify their efforts so that the next breakthroughs of the capitalist conflict do not find us completely unprepared.The positions taken by various groups of comrades in Eastern and Northern Europe are quite disarming… The so-called “various anarchist groups in Germany” (which, as far as we know, while speaking for everyone, mainly represent the community of anarchists exiled from Ukraine, Russia and Belarus) have recently spoken out against the idea of a ceasefire, since “A ceasefire at this stage will only give Russia some rest and a foothold in the occupied territories”6 (a position reminiscent of the sad militarist turn of the Sixteen: “To speak of peace at this time is to play into the hands of the pro-government German party […]”). In Germany, Holland and Belgium, in squats, the benefits continue (also relaunched in Holland and Belgium by the anarchist federation Vrije Bond7), for Solidarity Collectives (formerly “Operation Solidarity”), a network of volunteers who support “anti-authoritarian fighters” who have enlisted in the Ukrainian army. These fighters are mostly, but not exclusively, part of a detachment known as the “Resistance Committee”8 which is part of the Territorial Defense Forces (i.e. reservists) of the Ukrainian army (and therefore subject to military command structures as much as anarchists who have instead enlisted in the regular army).On the channels of Solidarity Collectives9 new fundraisers appear at a rapid pace for the purchase of drones, night vision goggles, electronic systems, cars, and other military equipment. To give an example, the campaign to buy a drone was presented with these words: “FPV attack drones are relatively cheap and very effective. Such kamikaze drones have already proven their effectiveness in destroying enemy equipment and infantry and reducing the enemy’s close logistics. They can also partially compensate for the lack of artillery weapons. […] Therefore, we are opening a new section of our team’s work: the assembly of attack UAVs»10. The production of these drones would also be a way to “reinforce anti-authoritarian structures, and an opportunity to demonstrate the possibility of production based on self-management and collective responsibility of workers”11. In short, a hacker response to the shortages in supplies from NATO, while waiting for the European arms industry to start churning out artillery at an adequate pace. The fact that communication at the front is based on the Starlink system, a technology owned by one of the richest single men on the planet, does not seem to be an obstacle: a collection is enough to raise the money needed for a Starlink disk12.With regard to the causes of the conflict, in its manifesto, Solidarity Collectives firmly denies that NATO activity played a role in the outbreak of the war, which would be entirely attributable to a unilateral desire for imperial expansion of the Russian Federation13. And while the Kiev government’s attempts to procure cannon fodder while avoiding widespread protests among the population are increasingly leaving room for a real manhunt14 (recently we have begun to see videos circulating of forced recruitment in which suspects of reluctance are hunted down the street and thrown into vans to be taken to the front in 48 hours15), we do not find any comment on the channels of Solidarity Collectives and the Resistance Committee. No words to say for those who have no intention of dying for their country, no word on the protests of those who demand that their loved ones be demobilized after almost two years of service at the front practically without interruption16. On the contrary, Solidarity Collectives points out that “many Ukrainian men and women, including our comrades, have joined the armed units voluntarily and knowingly.” This fact (which we do not doubt), if given without mentioning the estimate of more than 650,000 men of conscription age who would have left the country since the beginning of the conflict17, becomes war propaganda18. As the initial inspiration that convinced many to take up arms (and the signs are many) wears off, it will become clear to most that the state and its army could not defend them in the war except at the price of enslaving them and sending them to slaughter. The silence that these comrades are maintaining about forced conscription will no longer hold. What will they say then? How will they be able to distance themselves from the executioners they have supported?And if Solidarity Collectives claims that support for the Ukrainian “resistance” does not imply support for government policies, it is also clear what the chain of command is: if the individual unit of ex-militant fighters can afford to make decisions by consensus, the enlisted vegan anarchist has no problem admitting that, at the level of the relationship with other units, there is a military hierarchy, since “we are in the army”19. And if for now relations with the Nazis do not create problems (there is only one in the battalion, and he has understood that “we are all in the same boat”, so he shares his practical knowledge with the anarchists), Solidarity Collectives says it is ready to oppose the “authoritarian tendencies” in post-war Ukraine. It is a pity that these “tendencies” are already largely unfolding, favored by the war itself20, as they themselves record: “Social and economic conditions are worsening because of the war. Unfortunately, the state responds with neoliberal reforms, deregulating labor relations and removing social protections. […] Ukrainian trade unions could resist all this. Yet, many members of the trade unions are currently serving in the Ukrainian army, and the unions are directing their efforts primarily to supporting their members at the front and their families. Aware of the disastrous consequences for the Ukrainian proletarians of the fact that the unions have put the struggle against their bosses on the back burner in order to wage war on the side of the bosses, the not a little surreal conclusion is to support the militarist turn of the unions: “That’s why we try to do what we can to support trade unionists serving in the military and their military units.” On the fantasy of being able to reconcile membership of the army with the feminist and ecological struggle, it seems appropriate to overlook.In the face of these tendencies, Malatesta’s response to the interventionist manifesto of the Sixteen remains incredibly topical for us. In two pages of his typical crystalline prose, Malatesta argued that the only course of action of anarchists “traced by the very logic of their aspirations” is to oppose the war of the capitalists with the social revolution, and that it can only be a failure to ally oneself with one’s own bourgeoisie, thinking in this way to protect oneself from a greater danger. And it is particularly sad that the very historic magazine Freedom in which Malatesta published these theses in 1916 has given space in recent times to materials that we would not be able to define except as sinister warmongering propaganda, such as the letter (later removed from the site) from the sniper asking for military equipment and recounting: “I enlisted in the Ukrainian infantry as an assault pioneer the day after the full-scale invasion began. Why? I didn’t spend any particular time thinking about why. Maybe it was a sense of freedom. Freedom drove me to fight.”22 The magazine in which Malatesta’s unequivocal conclusion appeared: “Today, as always, our cry is: Down with the capitalists and the governments, all the capitalists and all the governments” now publishes Darya Rustava’s slippery arguments on bad and less bad nationalisms23, and Zosia Brom’s positions of indulgence towards Western imperialism as a bulwark against Russian imperialism24 (“When you say ‘Fuck NATO’ or ‘Stop NATO expansion’, what I feel is that you don’t care about the safety and well-being of my friends in Eastern Europe.”) It is interesting to note that on both the pages of Freedom and Organise (organ of the English Anarchist Federation) the question is often posed in terms of westsplaining. Western anarchists would be incapable of listening to local anarchists and would have the arrogance to want to explain reality from their pulpit, wielding the principles of anarchism with rigid orthodoxy: a tried and tested rhetorical stratagem to force the anti-militarists to give in to the shame of their “privilege” and adopt warmongering positions that, by the way, are not at all representative of either Eastern Europe, nor Ukraine26.Before arriving in Italy, let’s briefly mention “Gnip”, an acronym for “Good night imperial pride”. Gnip defines itself as an anarchist collective that supports anarchist and anti-authoritarian fighters in the Ukrainian army, with fundraising mainly for military supplies, and remembers Maidan as the “revolution of dignity”27. GNIP has relaunched, as well as Solidarity Collectives, the demonstrations that were held in Berlin, Warsaw and Zurich, Vilnius, Tbilisi, Barcelona and Vienna on 24 February on the occasion of the second anniversary of the Russian invasion28. These demonstrations featured anarchist excerpts with the slogans “fragile peace breeds more war”. The anarchists aligned with the state, in addition to asking NATO to supply more weapons to the Kiev army, have no choice but to correct the language: if you are no longer against the state – a fact, since you support those who fight in the ranks of the state army – you can still be against empires. Hence the “anarchists against empires” appear, declaring no longer “death to the state” but “death to the empire.” The goal is to “destroy empires and dictatorships”, states, it seems, can be saved.In Italy, the work and militarist positions of Solidarity Collectives have been disseminated in particular by the magazine Malamente and by the book published by the publishing house of the same name, Qui siamo in guerra. Already in 2022, an interview that appeared in Malamente reported the position of a member of Solidarity Collectives that Ukraine’s victory on the ground would be the only tactic to ensure the survival of a leftist movement in the country. Zelensky’s victory would be indispensable in an anti-fascist strategy to counter the Ukrainian ultra-right (since Zelensky “is not a Nazi”), to avoid the risk of a Ukrainian revanchism in the event of defeat and to prevent the credit for a possible victory from going all to the far right… 29 One wonders what is useful in an anti-fascism that renounces the revolutionary effort in favor of an inter-class defense of the democratic state in order to preserve the minimum room for maneuver granted by the neoliberal regime. And in the event of an unlikely positive outcome to the conflict, how can we not imagine that the nationalist components and the state as a whole will instead be strengthened? And how can we not imagine the possible disastrous consequences of a revanchism on the other side of the front? This anti-fascism, as Simone Weil wrote, succumbs to the absurdity of wanting to “fight a barbaric tyranny by crushing the peoples under the weight of an even more barbaric massacre.”Other ideas in reference to Solidarity Collectives, but not only, come from two articles that appeared in the latest issue of Malamente (March 202430). In the first article, Vittorio Sergi interviews Ludovico, founder of the Giuditta Rescue Car project, which has brought humanitarian aid to Ukraine in connection with the Solidarity Collectives network. “Many comrades in Western Europe view with suspicion this practice of financially supporting fighters who are nevertheless part of a state army supported with considerable funding by NATO states. Why do you think it makes sense to contribute financially to the equipment of volunteer fighters, anarchists and the Ukrainian left?” asks Vittorio. “Then there are so many reasons. The first is that war costs […]. The front is very large and therefore being able to cover every need on the part of the State is in any case complicated […]” (emphasis ours). The role of “solidarity” is therefore, declaredly, to cover the holes in state supplies, to reach where NATO supplies do not arrive, by procuring drones, tablets, protections, and other equipment that the army does not provide, in perfect agreement with the banner that appeared in Barcelona on the anniversary of the Russian invasion in which the circled A is that of “Arm Ukraine”. And there is good news for the bearers of that banner: while shipments of uranium secretly crossed the Po Valley on Trenitalia trains heading to the front31, the EU allocated another 5 billion euros for military aid to Ukraine in 202432, billions that will further contribute to galvanizing the war industry of the member states. In passing, in Ludovico’s story, the episode of a forced recruitment of one of the volunteers linked to Solidarity Collectives is mentioned. But apparently, criticism of forced conscription does not shake confidence in the army and in the fact that “Ukrainians are defending Ukraine.” And while a massive wave of recruitment is expected to obtain half a million new soldiers, a petition calling for a “more equitable” mobilization in which deputies and administrative staff are also sent to the front would give hope.Also financing the Giuditta Rescue Car project, and supporting an elusive “anarchist and transfeminist resistance” is the Camillo Berneri Anarchist Club of Bologna, which also attached the name of its patron, an ardent anti-militarist, to an off-road vehicle handed over to the snipers of the Foreign Legion, and baptized “Camillo, in honor and in the historical commitment of Camillo Berneri, an Italian anarchist”33 before being sent to the front. If history now offers no lessons but only symbolism and lineages that can be assembled at will, then the anarchists in Zelensky’s ranks can disturb the faces of Bakunin and Makhno to obscure their faces, or they can be safely compared to the Arditi del Popolo and the partisan armed struggle34 (on the arbitrariness of these juxtapositions, We refer to other texts35,36).In the second interview, Vittorio Sergi asks Xsenia, a volunteer in the solidarity initiatives of an artistic collective active in Ukraine, for a comment on the attack by fascists on David Chichkan, known for his anarchist positions. “This situation drives me crazy because I didn’t expect it. […] Before the war, it was very popular to go to Odessa and get in touch with the artist community. Because there is the sea and near the sea the art world is quieter and you can concentrate better on practicing. So yes, for me, as for the artists in the Odessa community, it was a real shock […]”. But this is reduced as tiredness: “The war was very long and not everyone can manage their emotions well” and fascist tendencies are explained in terms of “mental conflicts”. In short, the city where Ukrainian neo-Nazis massacred dozens and dozens of ethnic Russians who had taken refuge in the House of Trade Unions (several of whom died in a fire set to the building or by jumping from the windows to save themselves from the fire) is a quiet seaside place to relax and make art. Now, we are not interested in lashing out against what we think is Xsenia’s naivety, but rather in pointing out the removal (which seems significant to us) from the memory of such a tragic and recent event (it was just 2014) and the ease with which this account is published without any critical or contextual note on the part of the editors.This brief report ends here. The future seems intent on making it necessary for us to give more and more material concreteness to our positions, even here in Europe. It is therefore essential to clear the field of the anarcho-militarist fever that has infected various groups of comrades even in our latitudes, and to reaffirm that the only possible position for anarchists remains the defeatist and internationalist one, against the enemy in our own country, against every state but starting from “ours”, and therefore for us against the Italian state. against the EU, against NATO. The only war we have is the social war, against capitalism, against its wars, against its peace.Note1. https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/mondo/europa/2024/03/15/dallue-500-milioni-per-piu-munizioni-ce-anche-litalia_84b6f0b1-7c65-4c02-b365-ee5dd6abe9a6.html2. https://www.lindipendente.online/2024/03/20/sorgera-in-romania-la-nuova-base-nato-costruita-su-misura-per-la-guerra-alla-russia/3 https://www.lindipendente.online/2024/03/29/il-ritorno-della-leva-militare-obbligatoria-in-europa/4. https://24plus.ilsole24ore.com/art/il-vertice-europeo-modalita-guerra-cosi-ue-e-costretta-cambiare-pelle-AFNR696C5. https://pungolorosso.com/2024/03/24/sullattentato-di-mosca-e-dintorni-la-via-obbligatadi-nato-e-ue-e-port are-la-guerra-in-russia-italiano-english/6. https://ilrovescio.info/2024/03/26/toccato-il-fondo-si-puo-sempre-scavare-sulle-derive-stataliste-e-militaris te/7. https://www.vrijebond.org/documentary-screening-benefit-for-solidarity-collectives/8. https://t.me/theblackheadquarter9. https://t.me/SolidarityCollectives10. https://t.me/SolidarityCollectives/1006 11 https://t.me/theblackheadquarter/612 12 https://t.me/SolidarityCollectives/101013. https://www.solidaritycollectives.org/en/manifesto-en/14. https://www.lindipendente.online/2024/03/26/sempre-meno-uomini-ucraini-vogliono-combattere-le-autorita-li-reclutano-con-la-forza/15. https://www.repubblica.it/solidarieta/emergenza/2024/03/01/news/ucraina_nella_guerra_rischiano_di_finire_a_combattere_anche_gli_operatori_umanitari_i_reclutatori_salgono_sui_tram_a_cacci-422239114/16. https://www.lindipendente.online/2023/12/06/le-proteste-dei-familiari-dei-soldati-si-stanno-diffondendo-in- ucraina/17. https://www.bbc.com/ukrainian/articles/cd1px4z922wo18. On the contrary, the Solidarity Collectives express participation in the Ukrainian Day of the Volunteer, a patriotic celebration of the defense of the homeland that remembers the volunteers of 2014, being that “there is not a single soldier in our ranks who would not have come to the front voluntarily.” https://t.me/SolidarityCollectives/109719. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dTr0kqPJRGY&ab_channel=SolidarityCollectives20. On the disastrous consequences of the war for Ukrainian society, and in particular for its working class: https://pungolorosso.com/2024/04/04/lo-sfacelo-sociale-e-militare-dellucraina/21. https://t.me/SolidarityCollectives/109422. https://web.archive.org/web/20230419073028/https://freedomnews.org.uk/2023/04/19/notes-from-a-ukrai nian-sniper/23. https://freedomnews.org.uk/2022/03/07/a-thousand-red-flags/24. https://freedomnews.org.uk/2022/03/04/fuck-leftist-westplaining/25. https://organisemagazine.org.uk/3d-flip-book/organise-96-plus/26. https://assembly.org.ua/27. https://t.me/gnimperialpride/77428. https://pramen.io/en/2024/02/anarchist-solidarity-with-the-people-of-ukraine/29. https://rivista.edizionimalamente.it/malamente-n-26-settembre-2022/30. https://rivista.edizionimalamente.it/malamente-n-32-marzo-2024/31. https://ilrovescio.info/2024/03/30/la-guerra-tocca-chiunque-non-solo-i-soldati-al-fronte-sui-trasporti-di-uran io-nelle-ferrovie-italiane/32. https://www.eunews.it/2024/03/14/ue-5-miliardi-ucraina-aiuti-militari/33. https://t.me/quisiamoinguerra/95034. https://rivista.edizionimalamente.it/malamente-n-29-giugno-2023/35. https://ilrovescio.info/2022/10/28/quando-machno-spazzo-via-grigoriev-su-movimento-anarchico-guerra-in-ucraina-e-non-solo/36. https://ilrovescio.info/2023/09/12/sabotiamo-la-guerra-appello-per-una-mobilitazione-contro-la-guerra-in-ucraina/<a href="https://lanemesi.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/13/qui-siamo-nellesercito/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">La Nemesi</a><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/14/here-we-are-in-the-army/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2024/04/14/here-we-are-in-the-army/</a><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/anarchist/" target="_blank">#anarchist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/anti-militarist/" target="_blank">#antiMilitarist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/europe/" target="_blank">#europe</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/internationalist/" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/italy/" target="_blank">#italy</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/tag/ukraine/" target="_blank">#ukraine</a>

DegrowthUKThe alternative <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/degrowth" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#degrowth</a> informed manifesto for the UK at: <a href="https://gettingreal.org.uk/" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no">https://gettingreal.org.uk/</a> Explore <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/GettingReal" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#GettingReal</a> about the Crises Facing the UK - Stop the Damage! Build a Better Future! For international friends - while it's focussed on politics in the UK, it's <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#internationalist</a> with relevance elsewhere. A bit more work to do on it: make it more phone-friendly, create topic modules & add infographics.<a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/ClimateCrisis" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#ClimateCrisis</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/EcologicalOvershoot" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#EcologicalOvershoot</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialJustice" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialJustice</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialPolicy" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialPolicy</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/Equality" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#Equality</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/UKPolitics" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#UKPolitics</a>

DegrowthUKThe <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/degrowth" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#degrowth</a> manifesto for the UK is now up and updated at: <a href="https://gettingreal.org.uk/" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no">https://gettingreal.org.uk/</a> Explore Getting Real about the Crises Facing the UK - Stop the Damage! Build a Better Future! For international friends - while it's focussed on politics in the UK, it's <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#internationalist</a> with relevance elsewhere. <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/GettingReal" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#GettingReal</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/ClimateCrisis" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#ClimateCrisis</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/EcologicalOvershoot" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#EcologicalOvershoot</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialJustice" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialJustice</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialPolicy" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialPolicy</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/Equality" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#Equality</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/UKPolitics" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#UKPolitics</a>

DegrowthUKAfter months of work, we have a <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/degrowth" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#degrowth</a> manifesto for the UK. Check out the website: <a href="https://gettingreal.org.uk/" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no">https://gettingreal.org.uk/</a> and explore Getting Real about the Crises Facing the UK - Stop the Damage! Build a Better Future! For international friends - while it's focussed on politics in the UK, it's <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#internationalist</a> with relevance elsewhere. <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/GettingReal" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#GettingReal</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/ClimateCrisis" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#ClimateCrisis</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/EcologicalOvershoot" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#EcologicalOvershoot</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialJustice" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialJustice</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/SocialPolicy" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#SocialPolicy</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/Equality" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#Equality</a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/UKPolitics" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#UKPolitics</a>

YPJ Information Office🎥 For <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Internationalist</a> martyrs of the <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Rojava" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Rojava</a> revolution that had fallen in the month of December were commemorated: <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/RojavaKobane" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#RojavaKobane</a>, <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/AgirArarat" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#AgirArarat</a>, <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/HiwaBosco" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#HiwaBosco</a> and <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/BerxwedanGivra" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#BerxwedanGivra</a>. <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/YPG" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#YPG</a> Video now with English sub: <a href="https://youtu.be/McgUBTyoJHw" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://youtu.be/McgUBTyoJHw</a>

Yoram BlumenbergA very interesting <a href="https://babka.social/tags/analysis" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#analysis</a> and <a href="https://babka.social/tags/statement" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#statement</a> of progressive US leftist about the <a href="https://babka.social/tags/Israel" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Israel</a>/#Palestine conflict:<a href="https://leftrenewal.net/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">«For a consistently democratic and internationalist left – A contribution to left renewal and transformation»</a><blockquote>«[…] The left can and must unconditionally oppose anti-Palestinian and anti-Muslim bigotry without endorsing Hamas; it can and must unconditionally oppose antisemitism without endorsing Israeli chauvinism. […]»</blockquote><a href="https://babka.social/tags/antisemitism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#antisemitism</a> <a href="https://babka.social/tags/racism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#racism</a> <a href="https://babka.social/tags/islamism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#islamism</a> <a href="https://babka.social/tags/solidarity" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#solidarity</a> <a href="https://babka.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#internationalist</a>Thanks to <a href="https://chaos.social/@unir" class="u-url mention" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@unir</a>

YPJ Information Office🕯️Today four years ago Elefterîa Hambî, an <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> woman and revolutionary from Germany, fell martyr due to <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Turkey" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Turkey</a>'s war against the Gare mountain region. Video shows her also in her time with the <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/YPJ" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#YPJ</a>. She believed whole heartly in the women's revolution. <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/25November" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#25November</a>

YPJ Information Office➡️ Today is the opening day of the first world youth conference in <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Paris" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Paris</a>. With an <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#internationalist</a> mindset taking a step towards spreading democratic confederalism. The conference has been granted to Abdullah <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Ocalan" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Ocalan</a>. Follow the conference: <a href="https://youthwritinghistory.com/en/welcome/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://youthwritinghistory.com/en/welcome/</a>

Abolition MediaThe Symbolic Name of the Internationalist Struggle in Kurdistan: Andrea Wolf (Ronahî) <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Internationalist</a> <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Kurdistan" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Kurdistan</a> <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/PKK" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#PKK</a> <a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2023/10/24/the-symbolic-name-of-the-internationalist-struggle-in-kurdistan-andrea-wolf-ronahi/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2023/10/24/the-symbolic-name-of-the-internationalist-struggle-in-kurdistan-andrea-wolf-ronahi/</a>

عدالة 🇵🇸<a class="u-url mention" href="https://mastodon.cloud/@mfeilner" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@mfeilner</a> <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/germany" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Germany</a> needs a new <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/party" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#party</a> and <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/movement" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#movement</a> that fills the void the <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/afd" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#AfD</a> successfully pretends to fill: <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/social" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#social</a>, pro human and civic <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/rights" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#rights</a>, <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/green" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#green</a>, <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/tech" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#tech</a> savvy, value driven / not fetishizing <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/realpolitik" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#realpolitik</a>, <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/history" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#history</a> aware, anti-imperial and anti-militaristic, anti-capitalist, <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/internationalist" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#internationalist</a>, non-elite / <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/grassroots" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#grassroots</a>, and last but not least, anti-fascist in a narrower sense, i.e., <a class="hashtag" href="https://devs.live/tag/noafd" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#NoAfD</a>!

KhaledInterested in everything; expert on nothing. Some of my engagement on this site will relate to politics. But that's just the tip of the iceberg. Within limits I won't vet followers by political views. Let's talk. Will <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/followback" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#followback</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/adhd" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#adhd</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/SocialistSunday" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#SocialistSunday</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Socialist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Socialist</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/EnoughIsEnough" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#EnoughIsEnough</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/UKPolitics" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#UKPolitics</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Internationalist</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Music" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Music</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/VisualArt" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#VisualArt</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Humor" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Humor</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Science" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Science</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Literature" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Literature</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Film" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Film</a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/Esperanto" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Esperanto</a>

Abolition MediaInternationalist Thomas (Azad Şerger) Martyred in Combat in Kurdistan <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Internationalist</a> <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/Kurdistan" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Kurdistan</a> <a href="https://kolektiva.social/tags/HPG" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#HPG</a> <a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2023/06/29/internationalist-thomas-azad-serger-martyred-in-combat-in-kurdistan/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/post/2023/06/29/internationalist-thomas-azad-serger-martyred-in-combat-in-kurdistan/</a>

Liberal Currents"Walzer describes in both general and highly personal terms how one can be a <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/liberal" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#liberal</a> and a <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/democrat" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#democrat</a>, <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/socialist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#socialist</a>, <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/nationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#nationalist</a>, <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/internationalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#internationalist</a>, <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/communitarian" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#communitarian</a>, <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/feminist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#feminist</a> and <a href="https://mastodon.world/tags/Jew" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#Jew</a> all at once." <a href="https://www.liberalcurrents.com/understanding-liberalism-in-moral-terms-michael-walzers-the-struggle-for-decent-politics/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.liberalcurrents.com/understanding-liberalism-in-moral-terms-michael-walzers-the-struggle-for-decent-politics/</a>

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