Don Trueten :antifa:#Haka #Maori Rulez!<p> </p><p> </p><p><a href="https://mastodon.trueten.de/tags/anticolonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>anticolonialism</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.trueten.de/tags/NewZealand" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>NewZealand</span></a></p>
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#anticolonialism
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Ms. Que Banh<p>Words for the colonized unwise -> Please fuck all the way off with your personal PR statements about supporting Indigenous sovereignty, when you're still double dipping into colonial capitalism, financial benefit pools, with both of your bare feet, so to speak.</p><p>We see your hypocrisy, two-faced muthafuckas.</p><p><a href="https://beige.party/tags/Decolonization" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Decolonization</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/BIPOC" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>BIPOC</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/AntiCapitalist" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiCapitalist</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/BeAuthentic" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>BeAuthentic</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/Moderates" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Moderates</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/Weakasses" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Weakasses</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/Cowards" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Cowards</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/ColonialSlaves" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>ColonialSlaves</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/Hypocrites" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Hypocrites</span></a> <a href="https://beige.party/tags/WhiteLies" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>WhiteLies</span></a></p>
IHC<p>🏆 The applications for the 4th edition of the Amílcar Cabral Prize are now open! The prize will be awarded to an early-career researcher for "an article of historical research that deals with any topic or issue relating to the history of anti-colonial resistance and colonial empires"</p><p>📅 30 September</p><p>👉 <a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/amilcar-cabral-prize-04/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/amilcar-cab</span><span class="invisible">ral-prize-04/</span></a></p><p><span class="h-card" translate="no"><a href="https://a.gup.pe/u/histodons" class="u-url mention" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@<span>histodons</span></a></span> <br><span class="h-card" translate="no"><a href="https://a.gup.pe/u/histodon" class="u-url mention" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@<span>histodon</span></a></span> </p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/HistoryAwards" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>HistoryAwards</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Am%C3%ADlcarCabral" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AmílcarCabral</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Imperialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Imperialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Resistance" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Resistance</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Pr%C3%A9miosDeHist%C3%B3ria" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>PrémiosDeHistória</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Imperialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Imperialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Resist%C3%AAncia" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Resistência</span></a></p>
IHC<p>Relembramos que, no Domingo, vamos assinalar o centenário de <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/FrantzFanon" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>FrantzFanon</span></a> com uma conversa em torno da sua obra. O encontro está marcado para as 17h, na Casa do Comum do Bairro Alto, com Flávio Almada, Francisco Vidal, Vânia Sanhá e moderação de Manuela Ribeiro Sanches.</p><p>ℹ️ <a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sair-grande-noite/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sair-gr</span><span class="invisible">ande-noite/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiRacism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiRacism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/LiberationMovements" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>LiberationMovements</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiRacismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiRacismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/MovimentosDeLiberta%C3%A7%C3%A3o" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>MovimentosDeLibertação</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Decolonization" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Decolonization</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Descoloniza%C3%A7%C3%A3o" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Descolonização</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Epistemology" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Epistemology</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Epistemologias" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Epistemologias</span></a></p>
JADe (he, him)<p>🚨 Fuertes vientos de cambio 🌬️</p><p>Estados Unidos gasta más que nadie en guerras (74% del presupuesto militar mundial), mientras que el Sur Global crece frenéticamente. China lidera en 57 de 64 tecnologías clave, Estados Unidos sólo en siete.</p><p>Los BRICS+ y el comercio Sur-Sur se dispara a medida que las naciones abandonan el dominio del dólar. Desde los golpes antifranceses de Burkina Faso hasta el resurgir de movimientos sociales de izquierda en América Latina, las naciones se sacuden el dominio occidental.</p><p><a href="https://thetricontinental.org/es/dossier-tricontinental-aniversario-sur-global-soberania/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">thetricontinental.org/es/dossi</span><span class="invisible">er-tricontinental-aniversario-sur-global-soberania/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/SurGlobal" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>SurGlobal</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/antifa" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>antifa</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/foreverwars" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>foreverwars</span></a> <br><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/powerviolence" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>powerviolence</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/brics" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>brics</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/trump2" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>trump2</span></a> <br><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/iceraids" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>iceraids</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/immigration" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>immigration</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/racismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>racismo</span></a> <br><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/racism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>racism</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/racismoestructural" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>racismoestructural</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/neocons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>neocons</span></a> <br><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/neonazi" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>neonazi</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/fascism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>fascism</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/anticolonial" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>anticolonial</span></a> <br><a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/anticolonialisme" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>anticolonialisme</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.cr/tags/anticolonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>anticolonialism</span></a></p>
IHC<p>The programme for the conference ‘50 Years of the Independence of Portuguese Colonies in Africa: Processes, Legacies and Memories’, which starts on 17 July, is now available on our website:</p><p><a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/events/50-years-independence-portuguese-colonies/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/events/50-y</span><span class="invisible">ears-independence-portuguese-colonies/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/50Anos25Abril" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>50Anos25Abril</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/PortugueseColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>PortugueseColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/LiberationStruggle" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>LiberationStruggle</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Africa" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Africa</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/ColonialismoPortugu%C3%AAs" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>ColonialismoPortuguês</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/PoliticalHistory" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>PoliticalHistory</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Hist%C3%B3riaPol%C3%ADtica" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>HistóriaPolítica</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/GuerraColonial" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>GuerraColonial</span></a></p>
reazonozaer<p>"People in Palestine and Los Angeles (and worldwide) are recording police as they attack peaceful demonstrations and also recording atrocities against civilians to share with the world, destroying narratives that normalize genocide and occupation."</p><p>"Fanon’s teachings are applicable on any scale of struggle, from labor struggles to wars of national liberation. His teachings on anti-imperialist and anti-colonial resistance provide strategies for survival and resistance against the capitalist system."</p><p><a href="https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/07/12/reading-fanon-in-the-age-of-ice-raids-and-gaza-genocide/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://www.</span><span class="ellipsis">struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/07/</span><span class="invisible">12/reading-fanon-in-the-age-of-ice-raids-and-gaza-genocide/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://social.vivaldi.net/tags/AntiImperialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiImperialism</span></a> <a href="https://social.vivaldi.net/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>Understanding Yemen 2/2: Ansar Allah Values</strong></p><p></p><p>To understand how Ansar Allah-led Yemen defeated an apparently superior military force, led by Washington, and then directly confronted the Israelis and their sponsors in the Red Sea, we should return to the values and ideology of the movement.</p><p>Ansar Allah ideology comes from the Quranic Project of Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houhti, who was killed in 2004 during the six northern wars, carried out by the late President Saleh, following a green light from US President George W. Bush (Root 2013), as part of his “war on terror”; even though Saleh himself had been linked to Al-Qaeda (Jordan 2015). This Quranic Project shares values with many independence movements, some with the Iranian Revolution, along with some of its own distinct features.</p><p>Ansar Allah is a movement, not a party like Hezbollah. Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, head of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee (SRC), said, “The revolution is every member within the … Yemeni fabric who rejects corruption and … upholds values and freedom, rejects tyranny, guardianship, invasion and occupation and resists aggression, siege and blind subservience” (Almahfali and Root 2020; Sputnik Arabic 2018). The Yemeni people “are a people who reject injustice, humiliation, subjugation, arrogance and conceit. They are a people who, by nature, carry within their culture and awareness a revolutionary sense … [they] have always rallied and moved with those who reject colonialism … those who stand with the invader are rejected and denounced and remain agents and mercenaries in the eyes of the popular majority” (Sputnik Arabic 2018).</p><p>This movement grew with a charismatic leader, Sayyed Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi, but it is not a personality cult. Sayyed al-Houthi “had a leadership personality, everyone that knew him loved him,” said Abdulkareem Jadban, an MP from Saada. “He urged people to face the [North] American hegemony after 9/11” (Root 2013). His ideas remain important, as should be obvious from the strong growth of Ansar Allah in the 20 years since Hussein’s death.</p><p>We could speak of the values of Ansar Allah under six themes: the defense of an independent nation and culture; Islamism through Quranic values; a culture of resistance in the face of hegemonic attack; clear identification of the enemy; social inclusion and avoidance of war; and the persistence of Yemeni customary law and tribal governance.</p><p>Understandings of these values are particularly important in view of several Western war myths that Ansar Allah are “Houthi rebels” who are “Iran’s proxies” and part of a “Shia crescent” destabilizing the Arabian Peninsula and the region. These myths disguise the revolution of 2011-2014, underline the refusal to recognize the new government in Sanaa, and help bolster UNSC resolutions, which legitimized the dirty war and siege of the country.</p><p>Some of the better Western analyses of Ansar Allah appreciate its local origins and that it has been influenced, but not determined or controlled, by the Iranian revolution (Gordon and Parkinson 2018); and that it builds on nationalist and republican roots which recognize religious traditions and authority (Almahfali and Root 2020). But most tend to turn against the Yemeni revolution for its Islamism and incompatibility with bourgeois liberalism (i.e. Anglo-American corporate rule with a semblance of individual liberties).</p><p>Despite that deep prejudice, there is huge popular interest in how Ansar Allah-led Yemen defeated the US-Saudi-Emirati aggression and then came fearlessly to the direct defense of the Palestinian people under attack by the Israelis in Gaza. I suggest the answers to these questions lie in popular support for Ansar Allah values. So what are those values and how are they seen in practice?</p><p>First, as an independence movement, Ansar Allah aims to protect and defend indigenous, inclusive Yemeni culture and values in the face of foreign intervention. This is a common theme of all anti-imperial and anti-colonial movements, including the Islamic Revolution of Iran.</p><p>The defense of independent cultures, values, and nations is a key global theme. We could go further, arguing that the central polemic today is not capitalism versus socialism or liberal democracy versus the rest, but rather a globalist dictatorship versus independent nations. In a supposedly post-colonial era, we still see this struggle for independence across Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Arab and Muslim world.</p><p>Anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, and anti-Zionism – counter-hegemonic struggles – are all consequences of this drive for political, economic, and social independence. In Yemen, despite the important national unification of the 1990s, there remained a corrupt regime that collaborated with the imperial power and its agents, making use of sectarian groups to divide and rule the nation.</p><p>Second, Ansar Allah shares with the Iranian Revolution an Islamic foundation of independent values based on the Quran – humility, honor, self-sacrifice, social justice, and social inclusivity – values which inform and sit alongside nationalism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism (Panah 2008: ch.3; Almahfali and Root 2020).</p><p>Ansar Allah, from its Zaydi roots, while recognizing the Prophet’s Holy Family (Ahlul Bayt) and the Sayyed lineage, does not share the Shia doctrine of Twelve Imams (including the Mahdi) nor does it accept the infallibility of Imams (Almahfali and Root 2020). Mandated struggle against the unjust rule is one feature that the Zaydi tradition has in common with the Shia. In the tradition of Zayd ibn Ali, true imams must fight corrupt rulers; but imams are neither divinely ordained nor infallible and this leads to greater jurisprudence in Islamic law, preventing the idea of an imamate or strict religious rule (Almahfali and Root 2020).</p><p>Sayyed Hussein was deeply impressed by Iran’s Khomeini and Lebanon’s Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah because of their firm principles. He said of Khomeini and Nasrallah that, in their application of Islamic values, “we do not notice the doctrinal side,” and so there is room for jurisprudence (Almahfali and Root 2020). So, while the historic sacrifice of Imam Hussein (a central Shia theme) has entered Ansar Allah’s broad Islamic tradition, other more secular or non-doctrinal themes have developed, such as Sayyed Abdul-Malik al-Houthi’s stress on nationalism and social justice.</p><p>Recognizing the legacy of the leader of the Iranian Revolution, Sayyed Hussein said, “Imam Khomeini was a blessing to the Arabs if they had wanted liberation from Israel.” Sayyed Khomeini was “a great leader with a correct vision and a strong people.” It has been said that Iran’s Islamic Revolution both “does and does not” influence Ansar Allah (Almahfali and Root 2020). Ansar Allah extends the Zaydi principle of “commanding what is just and forbidding what is wrong” (Almahfali and Root 2020).</p><p>Importantly, Ansar Allah also parallels Sayyed Khomeini in placing a similar emphasis on a pure Islam of “the downtrodden and humble … the barefooted” [Al-Mustadh’afin] as opposed to what he called “American Islam … the Islam of comfort and luxury … of compromise and ignominy, the Islam of the indolent” (ITF 2014) – following the Quranic declaration (al Qassas 28:5) of “our favour on the oppressed.”</p><p>That responsibility to the oppressed and downtrodden [Al-Mustadh’afin] was fundamental to both Sayyed Khomeini’s initiatives in support of Palestine and to Ansar Allah’s Red Sea operations, after the Resistance’s Operation Al-Aqsa Flood.</p><p>Nevertheless, Ansar Allah leaders have made it clear that Yemen’s governance is for Yemenis to decide. “There is no Iranian intervention in Yemen. and the Saudis can inspect the missiles [we fire] … they are purely Yemeni made … We reject any sort of foreign intervention either by the Saudis, the Americans, the Egyptians or the Iranians” (Mohamed Ali al-Houthi in Ya Libnan 2015).</p><p>Third, dedicated resistance is a step beyond simple claims of political independence. Resistance is a commitment in the face of a hegemonic attack. Ansar Allah stresses active defense of the nation and culture in the face of those who “occupy our countries and wage war against our religion” (Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi 2001b). That includes the duty toward other oppressed Arab and Muslim peoples, especially the Palestinians. One Ansar Allah leader explained to me: we oppose war, but fighting in self-defense and in defense of the oppressed is both permitted and mandated. This moral obligation to support the oppressed comes before political considerations and helps explain Ansar Allah’s unhesitating confrontation with the Israelis and the Anglo-Americans.</p><p>An Ansar Allah cultural leader explained to me that, historically, the Muslim communities in Yemen’s highlands, farther away from colonial invasions (mainly Zaydi), had maintained a stronger resistance to invading cultures than those (mainly Shafi) on the coast.</p><p>Secular parallels are made to stress the necessity of resistance and social transformation, in defense of indigenous culture. Mohamed Ali al-Houthi said, “The scale of the conspiracy [against Yemen] has pushed the people to engage in a long-term battle until … victory, just as revolutions around the world, including the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, triumphed” (Sputnik Arabic 2018).</p><p>The steadfastness of Ansar Allah has become a thing of legend. They have repeatedly vowed to maintain their support for Gaza even after multiple bombing attacks by the Israelis and the Anglo-Americans (Abdul Malik al-Houthi 2025). Those Red Sea operations have established the Yemeni resistance as an icon for the world (Tuboltsev 2025). Even conservative British bodies recognize that the Yemenis are “diversifying their alliances and deepening their military capabilities, leveraging regional conflicts and pragmatic partnerships to expand their influence beyond the Iranian-led ‘axis of resistance’” (Ardemagni 2024). Hundreds of thousands of Yemenis have rallied in support of these commitments by Ansar Allah leaders (MNA 2025).</p><p>Fourth, clear identification of the enemy is a distinct emphasis in Ansar Allah’s ideology. Sayyed Hussein put this in the context of a world where North Americans elevated former collaborators like Osama Bin Laden and Saddam Hussein to the status of ‘enemies’ of the imperial powers, but these were false stories designed to fool people. “Thus they direct people towards imaginary figures and illusory danger.” We are in a “civilizational struggle,” and “the Jews know who really poses a threat to them,” and this is why in Iran they chant “Death to America, death to Israel” (Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi 2001a).</p><p>In this deceptive world, Yemen must clearly identify its enemies, including cultural enemies, so as to empower and focus the masses in their popular struggle. Hussein added we must “train ourselves and our children to carry enmity towards the enemies of God – the Jews and the Christians.” Borrowing from Iran but building its distinct Yemeni character, Hussein railed against the US attempts “to force their culture upon us, to occupy our countries and to wage a war against our religion” (Almahfali and Root 2020).</p><p>While Ansar Allah shares with Iran the slogans “Death to America, Death to Israel”, in their political sense of opposing those regimes, Sayyed Hussein also demanded recognition of the cultural assault from “Jews and Christians”. Has “the Ummah [Islamic community] reached a point where it cannot stand up to the Jews?” he asked. Quoting the Quran (Al Baqarah 2:120), he said, “Never will the Jews or the Christians be satisfied with you until you follow their religion” (Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi 2001a). By this, he means they force us to adopt their ideas and terminology.</p><p>Hussein spoke of the need to “train ourselves and our children to carry enmity towards the enemies of God – the Jews and the Christians. Enmity in Islam is positive and important. If you carry genuine enmity towards America and Israel, if the leaders carry genuine enmity, and if Muslims carry genuine enmity, then they will prepare themselves to be able to face the confrontation. But if there is no real enmity then they will not prepare” (Hussein Badr Din al Houthi 2001b).</p><p>The same confusion applies to opposing a particular Israeli regime rather than the usurping entity itself. Hussein said, in his time, they spoke of “Sharon’s government [referring to former Israeli PM Ariel Sharon] but not Israel … Israel is not considered a problem, not even its existence is seen as a problem. So they say Sharon’s government” (Hussein Badr Din al Houthi 2001b).</p><p>The cultural influence of these Western colonial cultures, beyond just the invading occupation projects and the Zionist entity, was therefore part of the enemy that sought to “wage war on our religion.” Hussein decried the colonization of Arabic and Islamic language so that, for example, “jihad” (in its original sense of a holy or spiritual struggle) has been virtually disqualified as an aim (Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi 2001b).</p><p>Fifth, Ansar Allah leaders have stressed their commitment to social inclusion within Yemen and their desire to avoid war. There is much evidence of this. Mohamed Ali al-Houthi said, “Yemen has not fired the first shot in the war … rather it is resisting and will triumph over the richest and strongest countries” (Sputnik Arabic 2018).</p><p>Recall that former President Ali Abdullah Saleh was the one who declared war against Ansar Allah and killed its leader Hussein in 2004. Nevertheless, after the Revolution and until the 2017 betrayal by Saleh, Ansar Allah included him in its Supreme Political Council. Many from the GPC, the main opposition party, are still included in Yemen’s revolutionary government. Others have defected to Ansar Allah from the Muslim Brotherhood. This is another reason why it is absurd to call the Sanaa government “Houthi rebels”.</p><p>Ansar Allah did not simply seize power in 2014; it filled a political vacuum left by the collapse of both Saleh’s regime and his transitional regime, plus the widespread rejection of the repartition proposals from the GCC (Popp 2015).</p><p>After the US-Saudi coalition declared war on the Sanaa Government, Ansar Allah leaders were ready for peace talks in 2015, without conditions. It was the puppet Hadi regime, which made demands that Ansar Allah surrender territory before any talks, which killed that early peace process (Ya Libnan 2015).</p><p>Sixth, the preservation of customary law and tribal governance continues to play an important role in Yemen and has long had a relation to state law, but its composition has changed since the rise of Ansar Allah (Worth 2016).</p><p>Tribal authority and mediation are used for everything from land disputes to justice over violent conflict (Mojalli 2015), and relations between local clan authorities have been a factor in the national war of liberation against the Coalition of Aggression and its sectarian agents.</p><p>It has been said, by some hostile sides to Ansar Allah, that their system of regional supervisors or mushrifin (Carboni 2021; Mugahed 2022) has weakened tribal authority.</p><p>Yet, principles of customary law seem to have remained well incorporated into Yemeni leadership and justice. In this way, traditional authority and many social norms remain embedded in Yemeni Islamic principles. For example, the use of the Yemeni dagger (jambiya) is regulated by both traditional and state law. It is often displayed, but there are penalties for withdrawing it or making threats with it.</p><p>In sum, Ansar Allah is a genuine, Indigenous Yemeni movement that led the only real and successful revolution of the so-called “Arab Spring”. It has been subject to dirty war and siege by Washington and its allies precisely because it is an independent movement. The Yemeni Revolution shares many values with the Iranian Revolution but remains a distinct revolutionary force and a key addition to the regional resistance, especially since the collapse of Damascus. The strength of the revolutionary government in Sanaa and its commitment to the Palestinians can best be appreciated through an understanding of the unique mix of Ansar Allah values and their mass support in Yemen.</p><p><strong>For part 1/2: <a href="https://english.almayadeen.net/articles/opinion/understanding-yemen-1-2--the-revolution" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Understanding Yemen 1/2: The Revolution</a></strong></p><p><strong>References:</strong></p><p>Abdul Malik al-Houthi, (2025) ‘Ansar Allah leader says US war failed to stop Yemen, reaffirms support for Palestine’, The Cradle, 8 May, online: <a href="https://thecradle.co/articles/ansarallah-leader-says-us-war-failed-to-stop-yemen-reaffirms-support-for-palestine" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://thecradle.co/articles/Ansar Allah-leader-says-us-war-failed-to-stop-yemen-reaffirms-support-for-palestine</a></p><p>Ahmed, Omar (2021) ‘Why Yemen’s was the only real revolution, post-Arab Spring’, Middle East Monitor, 12 November, online: <a href="https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20211112-why-yemens-was-the-only-real-revolution-post-arab-spring/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20211112-why-yemens-was-the-only-real-revolution-post-arab-spring/</a></p><p>al-Fasly, Mahmoud Sagheer (2015) ‘Witnessing the Yemeni Revolution’ in Voices of the Arab Spring, Columbia University Press, online: <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.7312/alsa16318-037/html" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.7312/alsa16318-037/html</a></p><p>Al Hadaa, Karima (2017) ‘The Dynamics of the Houthi-GPC alliance’, The Yemen peace project, 2 June, online: <a href="https://www.yemenpeaceproject.org/blog-x/houthi-gpc-alliance" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.yemenpeaceproject.org/blog-x/houthi-gpc-alliance</a></p><p>Almahfali, Mohammed and James Root (2020) ‘How Iran’s Islamic Revolution does, and does not, influence Houthi rule in Northern Yemen’, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies, 13 February, online: <a href="https://sanaacenter.org/publications/analysis/9050" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://sanaacenter.org/publications/analysis/9050</a></p><p>al-Qarawi, Hisham (2011) The Yemeni Revolution: replacing Ali Abdullah Saleh, or replacing obsolete institutions?, Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies, Doha Institute, online: <a href="https://www.dohainstitute.org/en/lists/ACRPS-PDFDocumentLibrary/Yemeni_Revolution.pdf" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.dohainstitute.org/en/lists/ACRPS-PDFDocumentLibrary/Yemeni_Revolution.pdf</a></p><p>Al-Mouallimi, Abdallah Y. (2017) ‘It’s Up to the Rebels to Stop Yemen’s War’, New York Times, 3 October, online: <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/03/opinion/yemen-war-houthis.html" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/03/opinion/yemen-war-houthis.html</a></p><p>Amos, Deborah (2015) ‘For Yemen’s Ousted President, A Five-Star Exile With No End In Sight’, NPR, 14 June, online: <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2015/06/14/413913530/for-yemens-ex-president-a-five-star-exile-with-no-end-in-sight" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2015/06/14/413913530/for-yemens-ex-president-a-five-star-exile-with-no-end-in-sight</a></p><p>Anderson, Tim (2023) ‘The Betrayal of Yemen’, Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies, online: <a href="https://counter-hegemonic-studies.site/yemen-w/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://counter-hegemonic-studies.site/yemen-w/</a></p><p>Ardemagni, Eleonora (2024) ‘Beyond the Axis: Yemen’s Houthis are Building their ‘Network of Resistance’, RUSI, 18 November, online: <a href="https://www.rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/beyond-axis-yemens-houthis-are-building-their-network-resistance" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/beyond-axis-yemens-houthis-are-building-their-network-resistance</a></p><p>Bell, Steve (2022) ‘Time to end, not escalate, the war on Yemen’, Stop the War Coalition UK, 24 January, online: <a href="https://www.stopwar.org.uk/article/time-to-end-not-escalate-the-war-on-yemen/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.stopwar.org.uk/article/time-to-end-not-escalate-the-war-on-yemen/</a></p><p>Bransten, Jeremy (2006) ‘Middle East: Rice Calls For A ‘New Middle East’, RFERL, 25 July, online: <a href="https://www.rferl.org/a/1070088.html" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.rferl.org/a/1070088.html</a></p><p>Carboni, Andrea (2021) ‘The Myth of Stability: Infighting and Repression in Houthi-Controlled Territories’, Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED), 9 February, online: <a href="https://acleddata.com/2021/02/09/the-myth-of-stability-infighting-and-repression-in-houthi-controlled-territories/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://acleddata.com/2021/02/09/the-myth-of-stability-infighting-and-repression-in-houthi-controlled-territories/</a></p><p>CCHS (2022) ‘The UN Security Council has betrayed the Yemeni people’, Centre for Counter Hegemonic Studies, 21 January, online: <a href="https://counter-hegemonic-studies.site/unsc-yemen-1/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://counter-hegemonic-studies.site/unsc-yemen-1/</a></p><p>CEP (2022) ‘Houthis’, Counter Extremism Project, [US Govt led] online: <a href="https://www.counterextremism.com/threat/houthis" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.counterextremism.com/threat/houthis</a></p><p>CIA (1990) ‘North and South Yemen: in search of unity’, US Directorate of Intelligence, 19 January, online: <a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000244584.pdf" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000244584.pdf</a></p><p><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Source: <a href="https://english.almayadeen.net/articles/opinion/understanding-yemen-2-2--ansar-allah-values?utm_source=mango-searchx&utm_medium=title_and_relatives&utm_campaign=understanding%20yemen`" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Al Mayadeen</a></strong></p><p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20274" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20274</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/ansar-allah/" target="_blank">#ansarAllah</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/islam/" target="_blank">#Islam</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/yemen/" target="_blank">#yemen</a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>The Wretched of the Earth: Fanon’s Anti-Colonial Manifesto Lives on in Yemen, Palestine, Sahel States</strong></p><p></p><p>In the spring and summer of 1961, as Algeria bled through its seventh year of war against French colonial rule, a dying Frantz Fanon poured his revolutionary vision into words. Too weak to write, he dictated “The Wretched of the Earth” — a book that would ignite liberation movements across the globe — to Josie Fanon, his life companion and fellow anti-colonial fighter. Around them, the struggle for independence raged; inside their exile in Tunisia, a manifesto for the oppressed was being forged.</p><p>The Algerian people waged a guerrilla war against French colonial and allied right-wing forces. The war took a tremendous toll on Algerian fighters, workers, and peasants.</p><p>Fanon was battling leukemia, a disease that would claim his life on Dec. 6 of that year. Just months after his death, 1962 witnessed the triumphant conclusion of the Algerian War, as the liberation forces achieved victory and secured the complete withdrawal of French colonial rule. This hard-won independence became a beacon of hope for liberation movements worldwide — a legacy that continues to inspire oppressed resistance across the globe.</p><p>Beginning at the outbreak of the war in 1954 and until he was exiled for his nationalist politics, Fanon served diligently as a physician and psychologist at a French Hospital in Algeria. For years, he treated not only Algerian people tortured by French authorities but also French soldiers traumatized from carrying out acts of torture and murder against the Algerian people.</p><p>This gave Fanon a critical perspective into the brutality and inhumanity at the center of any colonial regime. The same brutality Fanon observed in French colonial rule in Algeria can be seen today in the Zionist apartheid state and the U.S. military assault on Yemen.</p><p>In “The Wretched of the Earth,” Fanon analyzes the crippling long-term impacts of colonial repression on colonized people. Due to Fanon’s political beliefs, he did not stop at psychology. Fanon actively encouraged the oppressed masses of African people to rise up and take back their culture, their society, and their lives by any means necessary – and particularly through armed struggle.</p><p>Fanon’s legacy of anti-colonial resistance resonates powerfully today in Africa and the West Asia region. In the <a href="https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2023/10/15/the-lies-and-secrets-of-french-imperialism/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Sahel states</a>, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have expelled French-backed regimes, seeking to reclaim their nations’ resources and wealth for their own people rather than enriching billionaires in Paris.</p><p>Similar defiant resistance against imperialist domination can be witnessed across West Asia, particularly in <a href="https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/06/24/the-rising-tide-of-resistance-against-capitalism-and-state-oppression/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Yemen</a> and Palestine, where populations have courageously confronted vastly superior military powers. Despite the immense sacrifices these struggles have demanded, the resolve of these peoples remains unbroken, embodying the same revolutionary spirit that Fanon championed decades ago.</p><p>This year will be the 100th anniversary of Fanon’s birth on July 20. The best way to honor Fanon’s commitment to decolonization is to support the continued struggles of colonized and oppressed people across the planet, from Yemen to Palestine to the Sahel.</p><p>source: <a href="https://www.struggle-la-lucha.org/2025/07/10/the-wretched-of-the-earth-fanons-anti-colonial-manifesto-lives-on-in-yemen-palestine-sahel-states/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Struggle La Lucha</a></p><p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20245" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20245</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-imperialism/" target="_blank">#antiImperialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/burkina-faso/" target="_blank">#burkinaFaso</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/palestine/" target="_blank">#palestine</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/resistance/" target="_blank">#resistance</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/sahel/" target="_blank">#sahel</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/yemen/" target="_blank">#yemen</a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>The Reckoning</strong></p><p></p><p>The experience of genocide is, beyond agony, a peculiar one. While it is the bombs above your head, it is also the seeing those dearest to you retract their hands from a burning child for fear of a legal code, and a baton. As for the child engulfed, he discovers quickly who suffices themselves with tears, and who dares the flames.</p><p>If the past century had not, these last 21 months have evoked the sharpest of contradictions. Rage is a prevalent theme. Devastation. Inertia. Erecting walls and widening the divides has been an effortless task. With every massacre—the families burned alive tonight in Khan Younis, and every slaughter before and after it—we erupt in rage and renew our unwavering allegiance to the resistance. Taking sides is a forgone conclusion. Cursing the Jewish death cult, burning flags, and castigating traitors—we perform these rituals multiple times a day.</p><p>And yet today, I am confronted by an all-together more jarring reality. That this rage is a lie. These immovable convictions too. That the bodies once hidden in our closets now fill our homes. That they surround us at every turn. That we are drowning in blood. That there is hypocrisy in every word I pen. Our revolution makes no appearance beyond these pages, beyond weekends, beyond slogans bellowed—all too knowingly into the abyss. And it vanishes, instantly, at the first forecast of rain.</p><p>The devastation, and the required path of action—of searing bullets and blood stained knives—have never been more stark. Today, our cowardice is legendary. It stands as naked as the emperor, cocooned in all manner of exoneration. Our unbreakable spirits and rivers of wrath perish in the face of sacrifice. And what sacrifice?</p><p>When the people of Yemen exclaim, “our blood is not more valuable than the blood of Gaza,” they do so from hospital beds, in scattered bouts of consciousness, with exposed flesh. They speak, having fired rockets.</p><p>As for us, ours is a world of performance. An entire ethos governed by fear, inferiority complexes, sculpted by the sensitives of empire. Here, we are the harem, flaunting our bodies for western eyes, parading the limbs of our people. There are corpses everywhere. And we dance all around them. Some of us grieve. We weep. In the face of charred flesh we proclaim shamelessly that our hearts are aflame.</p><p>Imprisoned by fear, the escape routes are endless. Out of risk mitigation, wisdom, and greater goods, we forge careers. Life must go on. Sitting in cafes, we persuade ourselves of our piety. We clutch at our pearls and convince ourselves that these manicured hands are shackled. We appease ourselves with tears, frolic in prayer, and pour our guilt into carpets. At best, we demonstrate our convictions in humanitarian charity—here too, we escape the resistance.</p><p>We escape the rifle at every turn. Of course, we preach earnestly of its virtues. We celebrate the green headbands, romanticise the miraculous faith. A stone-throwing child confronting a tank— we adore the spectacle. Asked to join him, we all flee. The child’s bravery was heroic only at distance. Suddenly, the futility of a stone fills the room. The child is a martyr, but our lives are not to be given recklessly. There are long standing conventions to abide by. The fervour of youth must never cloud sound judgment.</p><p>For even the best of us, the sheer impracticality renders resistance logistically untenable. Never mind the material precedents, the distance is immense and the walls insurmountable. And when, by some divine feat, a tenable scheme is devised, we remind ourselves quickly that liberation requires a multiplicity of tactics.</p><p>But if, amidst the rabid fluttering of our lips, we catch a glimpse of our eyes, we would find them revolving, overcome by death.</p><p>I know, because even as I write, I struggle to admit that I see it in my own.</p><p>Any mention of concrete action, any diversion from the opulent comforts of advocacy, and we see the uniforms charging, the steel of the batons against our skin, the frigid depths of incarceration. Blind to the irony, we conclude that the detriment dwarfs the good. Seated still all the while, we are defeated from the start.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#2a621d48-afeb-442a-875f-830647df2064" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">1</a></p><p>Looking ourselves in the eye, we realise, instantly, the truth of our condition. That the words we so ritually, and vehemently recite, the creeds we claim adherence to, pass no deeper than our throats. That with every convolution, and under every breath, we crystallise our sole conviction: that our lives are more precious than Gaza’s.</p><p>All of this, however, is not in pursuit of mourning. For Palestinians in Gaza, mourning has been an impossibility; for us, it is a notion all too convenient. Gaza demands a reckoning. A reckoning of flames. And it begins with those closest, the millions who chant at protests and—like me—sit behind screens. Those with clear consciences. Because the urgency of the moment cannot be reasoned away.</p><p>The unbridled barbarity demands we interrogate the pretenses of our absolution.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#5cc63c40-d8fd-4f3e-b1d2-70a6f1e43ef3" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">2</a> The mental contortions we internalise and spew. The endless means by which we evade, and delay, the inevitable. The doctrines by which we maintain a godless sanity and stifle the rattling of our hands.</p><p>Are we not accountable? What have I and those like me given? What have we sacrificed? What sanctity did we preserve? Did we shatter the monotony of our daily lives in the face of genocide? How many times did we stutter? How often did we forsake the skins of our people to save our own?</p><p>Already, before we have had a chance for introspection, I hear calls for a solution. For a pristine path. The glaring apparency of the answer reveals the question’s insincerity. I am tempted to ask what you would do if it was your child. Your father? Your fighters calling? Such rhetorics, however, are centred in selfishness. It’s the same egoism by which the ‘Nazi’ becomes the global byword for evil, when Europe has enacted graver horrors on the reds, blacks, yellows, and browns, for centuries. We shouldn’t need to superimpose ourselves in an imagined suffering to heed the screams of the burning. Or have the fashions of liberal capitalism, and the isolation of the harm principle, forged our hearts? Have we forgotten how to act in the service of others?</p><p>Today, all of us stand in awe of Gaza. We look upon its people with the greatest admiration. From our living rooms, we lust over their faith. The scenes are undoubtedly breathtaking. Children reciting prayers in lieu of anesthetic; Kites—white, with a long tail; A mother ululating for her fallen sons; Prostrations atop the rubble.</p><p>Romanticizing the spectacle is natural. Still, I cannot help but notice the expediency of our tales. Our privilege as observers renders the idylls perverse.</p><p>At some point, the question begs: why are the suicides never mentioned at the party?<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#eb9dd588-f81d-4a6f-b347-66b489206df8" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">3</a> The children who threw themselves from windows. The men who trampled women in the daily wars for food. The women who looked to men for a price. And what about the thieves?</p><p>Are these subjects taboo by virtue? Perhaps there’s something more sinister at play. Perhaps they threaten the serenity of our lullaby. Why is it that we worship the miracle, but turn our backs on its calling?</p><p>Revolution is the skeleton in our closet. We are all only too aware of its presence. How could we not be? We’ve spent the past 15 months running from it.</p><p>I know my fingers have not left this page. To some extent, we all rationalise our inertia—else there would be no reader, and I would not be sitting here writing. We remain dinner-table revolutionaries. But our indolence cannot endure.</p><p>I see light in the barrel of a rifle. In Molotovs. Shattered ceilings. And if the flame of the Molotov must scorch the compatriot before the enemy, so be it.</p><p>When I speak of mass popular mobilisation in revolutionary action, it is envisioned or manifests as a program of chaos, which is to say the spontaneity, anarchic decentrality, and unconfined radicality of organic instinctual rage. It is the decided intent to enact change that progresses at a rate almost too fast—where operations occur across the land, each complimenting, inspiring, and mimicking the other, where the settler’s safety is shattered irreparably, and the umbilical of impregnability is severed. Undoubtedly, the response will be brutal and the losses crushing—at end, it is a question of will.</p><p>Why does a march to the border disperse at the first fire of teargas? Why does the presence of a uniform allow us to watch a man pummeled without eliciting a response? Why does a blaring crowd of a thousand flee a baton? These are questions of will, of belief, intent, and the willingness to sacrifice, this unfiltered manifestation of the revolutionary impulse, will not occur until the colonizer’s violence encompasses all, until it barges through the front door and leaves no alternate path—but it is also true, that if this intellectual condition is not developed, if the fear and attachment to personal luxury is not expelled, that even as the coloniser’s bullets pierce flesh, the body will not writhe.</p><p>Even so, the absolute governing principle remains that a thousand shells of words do not equal a single shell of iron. Tens of thousands of true fighters won’t be stopped by the fractured tears of men searching in the depths of defeat for scraps of armour.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#96a15a1f-6c7d-45fc-9379-be237f411ea9" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">4</a></p><p>There is no parallel between the man who visits the camps to distribute toys, and the man who emerges from that camp with a rifle.</p><p>Still there are some nagging questions. Absolution clings to us like a soul being ripped from the throat of the dying.</p><p><em>In the scales of pragmatism, this battle is unwinnable, and in it, we have no part.</em></p><p>Yet, how many a small party triumph over the invincible?<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#e08f93c3-6240-4a7c-8c95-0fa9a33ecc9c" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">5</a> The parables are quite literally clichés. Gaza stands.</p><p><em>But doesn’t victory require formal organisation?</em></p><p>Victory is inevitable. Isn’t that what we tell ourselves when action becomes too agitating, before sighing and moving on? Gaza has shown us that victory requires only a handful of true men, holding themselves to account. So fight—you are accountable for none besides yourself.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#f9494190-4b09-4f9d-a3f8-23417871d2f7" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">6</a></p><p><em>But the matter requires more time.</em></p><p>For time, humanity is ever at a loss.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#b85db44e-6e5c-4eb1-8a89-2622188b7db9" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">7</a></p><p><em>What then, are we to do?</em></p><p>Enter upon them through the gate.<a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#61a510f5-5e2d-4b0d-b09c-117b687611d9" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">8</a></p><p><em>But the risks are too great, and we cannot compromise our families, our livelihoods.</em></p><p>The audacity is stunning. It might have been humorous if the reality wasn’t so morbid. If the backdrop wasn’t protruding collarbones and exposed nerves. If we hadn’t heard the fading shrieks of relatives under the rubble. If our brothers weren’t being raped to death. If we hadn’t the breaking of our fathers, and seen men pulverised under tanks.</p><p>Our fear is a charade. Nothing could be more despicable.</p><p>At this gruesome juncture, the question is not when the hour shall arrive, nor even if victory is possible at all. Today, away from the cameras, each of us are faced with a more pressing quandary: at what point do we decide to join Gaza in blood? And are we worthy?</p><ol><li>Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, New York 1963, p. 63. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#2a621d48-afeb-442a-875f-830647df2064-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Mohammed El-Kurd, Perfect Victims and the Politics of Appeal, Chicago 2025, p. 191. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#5cc63c40-d8fd-4f3e-b1d2-70a6f1e43ef3-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Mohammad El-Kurd, Rifqa, Chicago 2021, p. 69. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#eb9dd588-f81d-4a6f-b347-66b489206df8-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Ghassan Kanafani, Returning to Haifa, Beirut 1969, p. 77. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#96a15a1f-6c7d-45fc-9379-be237f411ea9-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Al-Qur’an. Chapter 2. Verse 249. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#e08f93c3-6240-4a7c-8c95-0fa9a33ecc9c-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Al-Qur’an. Chapter 4. Verse 84. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#f9494190-4b09-4f9d-a3f8-23417871d2f7-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Al-Qur’an. Chapter 103. Verse 2. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#b85db44e-6e5c-4eb1-8a89-2622188b7db9-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li><li>Al-Qur’an. Chapter 5. Verse 23. <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/#61a510f5-5e2d-4b0d-b09c-117b687611d9-link" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">↩︎</a></li></ol><p>By <a href="https://x.com/zubayralikhan" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Zubayr Alikhan</a></p><p>source: <a href="https://unityoffields.net/the-reckoning/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Unity of Fields</a><br><em>Editorial disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of Unity of Fields.</em> <em>Image by Rifle and Pen (@Rifleandpen5 on Instagram)</em>.</p><p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20256" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20256</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/palestine/" target="_blank">#palestine</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/resistance/" target="_blank">#resistance</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/uof/" target="_blank">#uof</a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>Yemeni Revolutionaries Sink Two Cargo Ships and Keep Zionist Occupation Under Fire</strong></p><p></p><p>The Yemeni Military Media on Tuesday released exclusive footage documenting the targeting and sinking of the Magic Seas vessel in the Red Sea. The operation followed the ship owner’s violation of a directive issued by the Yemeni Armed Forces, which bans vessels from entering ports in occupied Palestine.</p><p>The released footage shows the ship’s crew ignoring repeated warnings issued by Yemen’s naval forces. It captures the precise moment the Magic Seas was struck by unmanned naval boats, followed by a boarding operation carried out by Yemeni naval special forces, leading to the complete submersion of the vessel.</p><p><strong>Red Sea naval operation involved missiles, drones, and unmanned boats</strong></p><p>According to a statement by the Yemeni Armed Forces, the complex operation involved two unmanned boats, five ballistic and cruise missiles, and three drones. The strike achieved a direct hit, resulting in the full sinking of the Magic Seas in the Red Sea.</p><p></p><p></p><p>The action is part of Yemen’s broader military campaign in support of Gaza, aimed at ending the Zionist aggression and lifting the blockade. The Yemeni Armed Forces reaffirmed their commitment to defending Palestinian rights and stated they are fully prepared to respond to future developments in the region.</p><p><strong>Resistance sinks Eternity C ship in second operation</strong></p><p>The Yemeni Armed Forces announced on Wednesday the execution of a naval military operation that targeted the cargo ship <em>ETERNITY C</em> as it made its way to the occupied port of Umm al-Rashrash (Eilat). The attack was carried out using a drone boat and six cruise missiles.</p><p>According to a statement by Brigadier General Yahya Saree, spokesperson for the Yemeni Armed Forces, the ship disregarded repeated warnings from the Yemeni navy prohibiting entry into ports of occupied Palestine. As a result, the vessel was struck and subsequently sank.</p><p><strong>Ship targeted after repeatedly ignoring warnings</strong></p><p>The statement confirmed that members of the ship’s crew were rescued, given medical care, and transferred to a safe location. The operation was fully documented with audio and video footage.</p><p>The Yemeni Armed Forces described the operation as part of their ongoing efforts to support the Palestinian people and their resistance, emphasizing that they will continue to disrupt Zionist maritime traffic in the Red and Arabian seas.</p><p></p><p><strong>Second ship sunk in days as operations escalate</strong></p><p>The statement also reasserted that the stance of Sana’a is aimed at forcing the Zionist entity and its allies to lift the siege on Gaza and halt their aggression. It concluded by affirming that military operations will continue and intensify in support of the Palestinian cause and its defenders.</p><p>This is the second ship the Yemeni Armed Forces have sunk within a matter of days. Previously, they targeted the Magic Seas vessel in the Red Sea using two drone boats, five ballistic and cruise missiles, and three drones. The ship was directly hit and fully submerged.</p><p><strong>Ansarallah keeps occupation under fire</strong></p><p>The Yemeni Armed Forces successfully carried out a precision military operation targeting Ben Gurion Airport, otherwise known as the Lydd Airport, with a Zulfiqar ballistic missile, according to a statement by the YAF’s spokesperson, Brigadier General Yahya Saree, on Thursday.</p><p>Saree stated that “the operation successfully achieved its objective, triggering alarm sirens in over 300 towns and cities,” not to mention “forcing millions of Zionists into shelters and halting all air traffic at the airport.”</p><p>He added, “We are working to expand our supporting military operations and maintain the naval blockade until the aggression against the Gaza Strip ceases.”</p><p><strong>Yemeni missile crippled air traffic over occupation</strong></p><p>Early Thursday morning, air raid sirens sounded in occupied al-Quds and Tel Aviv following a missile launch from Yemen, while air traffic at Ben Gurion Airport was also brought to a halt.</p><p>On its part, Zionist newspaper <em>Yedioth Ahronoth</em> reported that millions rushed to shelters after a missile launch from Yemen was detected.</p><p>The Yemeni Armed Forces continue their military operations in support of Gaza amid the ongoing genocide war, targeting the heart of the occupation entity with ballistic missiles while also intercepting vessels violating the ban on reaching ports in occupied Palestine.</p><p> </p><p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20234" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20234</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/al-aqsa-flood/" target="_blank">#alAqsaFlood</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/ansarallah/" target="_blank">#ansarallah</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/palestine/" target="_blank">#palestine</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/resistance/" target="_blank">#resistance</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/west-asia/" target="_blank">#westAsia</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/yemen/" target="_blank">#yemen</a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>Settler Colonialism in Light of F. Fanon: Algeria yesterday, Kanaky today… (Part 1)</strong></p><p></p> <p><em>As settler-colonial violence escalates from Kanaky to Palestine, Fanon’s century-old warnings are critical today—capitalism’s genocidal expansion demands revolution.</em></p><p><strong><em><span>Originally published in </span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Saïd Bouamama’s blog </a>.</em></strong></p><p><span>The year 2024 marked the centenary of the birth of Amilcar Cabral, a Guinean and Cape Verdean thinker who remains largely unknown for his contributions to national liberation processes and struggles. The year 2025 will mark the centenary of the birth of African-American Malcolm X (May 19), Congolese Patrice Lumumba (July 2), and Martinican and Algerian</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn1" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[1] </a><span> Frantz Fanon (July 20). These four anniversaries come at a time in history when, from Kanaky to Palestine, via Western Sahara, Polynesia, Mayotte, Bermuda, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, etc., the question of direct colonization remains unresolved. They are taking place above all in a phase of the global imperialist system that is seeing the deployment of new processes of colonization. From Libya to Syria, from Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo, balkanization and chaos are being promoted as a strategy for maintaining total dependence, that is, colonization under new guises.</span></p><p><span>In the same historical sequence, and unsurprisingly, popular movements are developing, rediscovering the concepts, demands, figures, and aspirations of the 1950s to 1970s, which were those of Bandung, armed independence struggles, Pan-African congresses, the Tricontinental Movement, the denunciation of neocolonialism, etc. The aspiration to Bolivarianism in many movements and countries in Latin America, to Pan-Africanism in many African countries, the return of expressions such as “neocolonialism,” “second independence,” and “patriotism,” and the rediscovery and vindication of figures such as Cabral, Keita, Sankara, etc., by many African youth movements and diasporas, all express, in our view, the opening of a second phase of national liberation struggles, after several decades of global counterrevolution following the upheaval in the balance of power in favor of US hegemonic imperialism after the disappearance of the USSR.</span></p><p><span>Of course, this new phase is far from homogeneous. Each national situation has its own specificities linked to national history and to the class configurations that have crystallized since formal independence, that is, since the substitution of neocolonialism for direct colonization. The awareness mentioned above </span><span>remains fraught with ideological confusion and political illusions. This in no way diminishes their importance or the transformative power they carry. Historical necessities take whatever paths they can. Great qualitative leaps in emancipation never take a “pure form.” They happen as best as they can,, that is, according to the legacy and transmission of past struggles, the state of global power relations, the existence or absence of an anti-imperialist movement in the imperialist centers, the degree of organization of the bearers of these new aspirations, and their roots in the popular classes, which remain those with a total interest in breaking free from colonial dependence. Of course, other classes that have crystallized since formal independence may have an interest in loosening the colonial stranglehold, but only the working classes have a vital interest in breaking it entirely. In these periods of renewed struggle, it is essential to take the lessons of the past into account.</span></p><p><span>This conclusion, which is relevant to all forms of colonization, is even more significant in the case of settler colonization, such as that in Palestine, Western Sahara, and Kanaky. Frantz Fanon’s thinking and actions are particularly relevant to these forms of colonization, as both were developed in the context of settler colonization, namely that of Algeria.</span></p><p><strong><span>Colonization in general…</span></strong></p><p><span>The definitions commonly given of colonization tend to be reduced to a purely descriptive dimension. As a result, they tend to underestimate or render invisible what drives colonization, namely, the total subjugation of the economy of one social-national formation to the needs of another national economy. It is this process of dependency that characterizes colonization in the capitalist era, as well as other territorial occupations that have marked human history.</span></p><p><span>From its earliest stages in the fifteenth century, the new capitalist mode of production that emerged in Europe within the feudal system was characterized by a tendency toward expansion. The laws of profit and competition drove expanded reproduction, that is, the annexation and destruction of other modes of production and their social relations, and with them the cultures and superstructures that accompanied them. Aimé Césaire aptly sums up this logic of expanded reproduction: “What is colonization in principle? […] to admit once and for all, without flinching from the consequences, that the decisive gesture here is that of the adventurer and the pirate, the gold seeker and the merchant, of appetite and force, with, behind it, the evil shadow of a form of civilization which, at a certain point in its history, finds itself internally compelled to extend the competition of its antagonistic economies on a global scale</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn2" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[2] </a><span>. Faced with competition from other capitalists, each owner of capital is forced to expand quantitatively in order to survive. To do so, they are constantly searching for cheaper raw materials, more profitable technologies, and new markets. In other words, capitalism can only function by expanding.</span></p><p><span>This process of expansion is all-encompassing. It involves both the destruction of other modes of production within a national formation (France, England, etc.) and the violent conquest of the first colonies. These two types of expansion are inextricably linked. The “colonization of the New World” boosted the primitive accumulation of capital in Europe. For this reason, capitalism and colonization are two sides of the same coin. They are consubstantial. The same logic also leads to slavery to supply labor for the mines and plantations of the colonies on the one hand, and to racist theories to ideologically legitimize slavery and colonization on the other. Capitalism, colonialism, slavery, and racism thus emerged in the same historical sequence [15th-16th centuries]. They form a system</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn3" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[3] </a><span>. For this reason, colonization must also be defined as a process of universalization of the capitalist mode of production and its relations of production.</span></p><p><span>This second definition complements the first but does not replace it. Unlike in Europe, capitalism imposed by force in the colonies was not the result of the internal dynamics of the colonized nations. It was not the result of social contradictions at work in their history. Colonization is even, as Cabral rightly said, the violent interruption of that history. It follows that the struggle for national liberation constitutes a return to this specific history: “National liberation is the phenomenon, in a given socio-economic context, of negating the negation of its historical process. In other words, the national liberation of a people is the reconquest of that people’s historical personality; it is its return to history through the destruction of the imperialist domination to which it was subjected</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn4" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[4] </a><span>.”</span></p><p><span>The extension of the capitalist mode of production through colonization leads to a unification of the world but not to its homogenization. It unfolds, explains Samir Amin, on the basis of a structuring of the world into dominant imperialist centers and dominated colonial and semi-colonial peripheries</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn5" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[5] </a><span>. Peripheral colonial capitalism is dependent, the development of its productive forces is limited, its class configurations are specific, etc. Taking into account this dependent nature of colonial capitalism led Frantz Fanon to warn against the danger of imposing European models on the colonies: “In the colonies, the economic infrastructure is also a superstructure. The cause is the consequence: one is rich because one is white, one is white because one is rich. This is why Marxist analyses must always be slightly relaxed whenever the colonial problem is addressed. Even the concept of pre-capitalist society, which Marx studied so thoroughly, needs to be rethought here.”</span></p><p><strong><span>…to settlement colonization</span></strong></p><p><span>The above definitions of colonialism will take different forms depending on the specific characteristics of the colonial power on the one hand, and the state of the balance of power and resistance on the other. Amilcar Cabral thus distinguishes between direct colonialism (“a political power composed of agents foreign to the dominated people”) and indirect colonialism (“a political power composed, in its majority or entirety, of indigenous agents—which we have agreed to call neocolonialism</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn7" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[7] </a><span>”). With regard to direct colonization, he highlights three scenarios: the complete destruction of the social structure of the colonized people, the partial destruction of this structure, and its preservation but confinement to areas of relegation or reserves. While we agree with Cabral’s presentation, we believe that this triptych can be reduced to a duality: settlement colonization, which encompasses the first and third cases, and exploitation colonization, which constitutes the second. Kanaky and its imposition of confinement of the Kanaks in reserves until 1946, and Algeria and its massive dispossession of indigenous lands, both fall under the same colonization of settlement that is the subject of Frantz Fanon’s theses.</span></p><p><span>Amilcar Cabral highlights the inevitably genocidal tendency of colonization by settlement, painfully recalled last year by the genocide suffered by the Palestinian people. This “complete destruction of the social structure [is], he emphasizes, generally accompanied by the immediate or gradual liquidation of the indigenous population and, consequently, its replacement by an alien population</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn8" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[8] </a><span>.”</span></p><p><span>In Kanaky, this genocide is now widely documented. A 2008 UNESCO publication recalls: ” The main island of New Caledonia had at least 100,000 inhabitants in 1800; a century later, only a third of that number remained</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn9" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[9] </a><span>.“ The carnage continued until the 1930s, according to a study on Melanesian demographics</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn10" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[10] </a><span>: ”The Melanesian population continued to decline. The 1901 census counted only 28,800 Melanesians, a level that remained unchanged until 1936, when the population began to grow significantly again</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn11" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[11] </a><span>.”</span></p><p><span>The genocide is equally well documented for Algeria. Demographer Kamel Kateb, author of the most comprehensive study on the subject, estimates the Algerian population at 4 million at the time of the conquest and estimates the number of deaths between 1830 and 1872 at 825,000, or more than 20% of the total population[12]. Others, such as Djilali Sari, estimate the number of deaths at 1 million, bringing the decline to 25% of the total population in less than half a century, which he calls “the demographic disaster</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn13" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[13] </a><span>.”</span></p><p><span>All colonization inevitably tends towards genocide. Whether this tendency becomes a reality, as was the case with the Native Americans in North America or the Aborigines in Australia, or fails, either totally or partially, as was the case in Kanaky and Algeria, depends on factors linked to the historical context and the balance of power. The pace of European settlement in Kanaky and Algeria, made possible by the state of French society in the first decades of the conquest [which took place in the same historical sequence for both colonies], was too slow to completely destroy the survival mechanisms of the colonized peoples.</span></p><p><span>However, no effort was spared to accelerate the pace of European settlement in Algeria and Kanaky. These efforts were met with resistance from the peoples in the form of peasant and tribal uprisings and their consequences. This was the case in 1878 and 1917 in Kanaky. It was also the case in Algeria, with uprisings of the same nature breaking out almost every decade until the beginning of the twentieth century. In addition to discouraging potential settlers, these peasant uprisings, which were brutally suppressed, monopolized most of the available colonial budget, leaving little to support the settlement of new colonists.</span></p><p><span>The atrocious and barbaric nature of the repression of these uprisings is well documented. To cite just one example, let us mention a practice common to both colonizations. Ethnologist Jean Guiart recalls it as follows for Kanaky: “In 1878, a bounty was offered for each pair of ears of a so-called rebel killed. As the soldiers brought back the ears of women and children, it was decreed that they should bring back the heads, and these macabre pieces of evidence were recorded</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn14" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[14] </a><span>. This practice, known as “essorillement” (ear cutting), was also used during the conquest of Algeria, as historian Alain Ruscio recalls: “Ear cutting had its followers during the war of conquest in Algeria, where French troops and Algerian auxiliaries used it either out of revenge or for financial gain (”ten francs per pair of ears“)[15].”The deterrent effect on potential settlers is equally well documented. Historian Charles-André Julien gives the following figures for the period 1842-1846: 194,887 Europeans emigrated to Algeria, but 117,722 left the new colony</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn16" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[16] </a><span>. In Kanaky, the opening of the penal colony in 1864 was explicitly justified by the need to compensate for the low number of voluntary settlers.</span></p><p><span>We do not recall these colonial atrocities out of a morbid fascination. They simply illustrate the total violence inherent in colonization by settlement. One cannot replace one people with another by force without logically resorting to unlimited state violence aimed at extermination. This is not a matter of “excesses” of the colonial settlement project, but of its very nature. This is why Aimé Césaire is right to point out that the most abominable features of Nazism existed and were experimented with in the colonies beforehand: “Yes, it would be worthwhile to study, clinically and in detail, the actions of Hitler and Hitlerism and to reveal to the very distinguished, very humanist, very Christian bourgeois of the 20th century that he carries within him a Hitler he does not know, that Hitler lives in him, that Hitler is his demon, that if he reviles him, it is because they lack logic, and that deep down, what they cannot forgive Hitler for is not the crime itself, the crime against humanity, it is not the humiliation of man per se, it is the crime against white man, it is the humiliation of white man, and of having applied to Europe colonialist methods that until then had only been used on the Arabs of Algeria, the coolies of India, and the Negroes of Africa</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn17" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[17] </a><span>.</span></p><p><strong><span>Total violence and settler colonization</span></strong></p><p><span>One of Frantz Fanon’s essential contributions was precisely to have dissected the congenital violence of settler colonization and its effects. All his analyses are permeated by the thesis of “violence consubstantial with colonial oppression.” He developed this thesis at the Accra conference in April 1960 in response to Kwame Nkrumah’s professions of nonviolent resistance: “The colonial regime is a regime established by violence. It is always by force that the colonial regime has established itself. It is against the will of peoples that other people more advanced in the techniques of destruction or numerically more powerful have imposed themselves. I say that such a system established by violence can logically only be true to itself, and its duration in time depends on the maintenance of violence […] No, the violence of the Algerian people is not hatred of peace, nor rejection of human contact, nor the conviction that only war can put an end to the colonial regime in Algeria. The Algerian people have chosen the only solution left to them, and we will stick to that choice</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn18" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[18] </a><span>.”</span></p><p><span>This central thesis of Fanon’s thesis leads to two political and strategic conclusions. The first is that colonialism cannot be reformed, it can only be destroyed. The second, which Nelson Mandela would reformulate decades later, is that “It is always the oppressor, not the oppressed, who determines the form of struggle. If the oppressor uses violence, the oppressed will have no choice but to respond with violence. In our case, it was only a form of self-defense.” “</span></p><p><span>For Frantz Fanon, physical violence is only the most visible part of a deeper violence that is nothing less than the total destruction of the historical and national personality of the colonized people. “Those responsible for the French administration in Algeria,” he explains, “are charged with destroying the originality of the people, tasked by the powers that be with proceeding at all costs to dismantle any existence that might evoke, directly or indirectly, a national reality.” Simultaneously with physical violence, colonization involves legal, symbolic, cultural, and other forms of violence, which converge with the former toward the goal of completely destroying the very idea of constituting an Algerian people or a Kanak people. Physical genocide is inevitably accompanied by cultural, historical, political, and other forms of genocide: “Colonialism, however, is not content with this violence against the present. The colonized people are ideologically presented as a people arrested in their evolution, impervious to reason, incapable of managing their own affairs, and requiring the permanent presence of a leadership. The history of colonized peoples is transformed into meaningless agitation, and as a result, one gets the impression that for these peoples, humanity began with the arrival of these valiant colonists</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn21" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[21] </a><span>. </span></p><p><span>Beyond mourning and physical suffering, colonization requires the production of “self-shame” and an inferiority complex. This dimension of Fanon’s analysis is essential to understanding the changes in colonization when it realizes that total physical genocide is no longer possible, even in the long term. With the goal of total destruction impossible, it mutates to maintain the relationship of domination. It becomes the production of “collaboration” by the dominated with their own domination in the hope of an eventual improvement in their condition. In an article entitled “Decolonization and Independence” published in El Moudjahid on April 16, 1958, he responded as follows to De Gaulle’s promises of an “economic, social, and moral renewal plan”: “French colonialism will not be legitimized by the Algerian people. No spectacular undertaking will make us forget the legal racism, illiteracy, and servility instilled and maintained in the depths of our people’s consciousness. That is why our statements never mention adaptation or relief, but rather restitution. […] The Algerian people have not accepted the transformation of occupation into collaboration</span><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftn22" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[22] </a><span>.”In our view, these words are essential for all current French colonies (euphemistically renamed Overseas Departments or Territories) and in particular for Kanaky. These euphemistic terms aim to anchor the idea of possible decolonization without independence. While Fanon believed that formal independence is not sufficient for true decolonization, the latter is impossible without independence. Formal independence is a necessary but insufficient condition for true decolonization.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref1" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[1] </a><span> Born in Martinique, F Fanon was legally French by birth. By joining the FLN, he symbolically and politically rejected this nationality of birth. In his writings, he expresses himself as an Algerian. For example, in Year V of the Algerian Revolution, he writes: “What we Algerians want,” “our struggle,” “our cause,” and “our Revolution.” Having died before independence, he was never officially granted Algerian nationality. However, he was a representative of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA), which indicates that he was considered Algerian by the authorities of the new state.</span></p><p><span>[2] Aimé Césaire, Discours sur le colonialisme, Paris, Présence africaine, 2004, p. 9.</span></p><p><span>[3] Jean-Paul Sartre, “Le colonialisme est un système,” speech at a meeting “for peace in Algeria,” Les temps modernes, no. 123, March-April 1956.</span></p><p><span>[4] Amilcar Cabral, <em>Foundations and Objectives of National Liberation and Social Structures</em>, Speech at the First Conference of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, Havana, January 3–12, 1966, in Unité et Lutte, Maspero, Paris, 1980, p. 161.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref5" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[5] </a><span> Samir Amin, <em>Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of Peripheral Capitalism, </em>Minuit, Paris, 1973.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref6" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[6] </a><span> Frantz Fanon, <em>The Wretched of the Earth, </em>in Œuvres, La Découverte, Paris, 2011, p. 455.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref7" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[7] </a><span> Amilcar Cabral, <em>Fondements et objectifs de la libération nationale et structures sociales</em>, op. cit., p. 159.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref8" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[8] </a><span> Ibid., p. 159.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref9" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[9] </a><span> Ali Moussa Iye and Khadija Touré (eds.), <em>Histoire de l’humanité, </em>volume 6<em>, </em>UNESCO, Paris, 2008, p. 1388.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref10" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[10] </a><span> Melanesia includes Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Kanaky, and the Fiji Islands. The term Kanak refers to the Melanesian population of Kanaky.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref11" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[11] </a><span> Jean-Louis Rallu, <em>La population de la Nouvelle-Calédonie,</em> Revue Population, 1985, no. 4-5, p. 725.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref12" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"><span>[12]</span> </a><span> Kamel Kateb, <em>Européens, « indigènes » et juifs en Algérie (1830-1962). </em></span><em><span>Représentations et réalités des populations, </span></em><span>INED, Paris, 2002, pp. 16 and 47.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref13" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[13] </a><span> Djilali Sari, <em>Le désastre démographique, </em>SNED, Algiers, 1982, p. 130.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref14" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[14] </a><span> Jean Guiart, <em>Bantoustans en Nouvelle-Calédonie, </em>Droit et Liberté, no. 371, July-August 1978, p. 14.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref15" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[15] </a><span> Alain Ruscio, <em>La première guerre d’Algérie. Une histoire de conquête et de résistance, </em>La Découverte, Paris, 2024, p. 394.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref16" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[16] </a><span> Charles-André Julien, <em>Histoire de l’Algérie contemporaine, </em>volume 1, PUF, Paris, 1964, p. 250.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref17" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[17] </a><span> Aimé Césaire, <em>Discours sur le colonialisme, </em>Présence Africaine, Paris, (1955) 2004, pp. 13-14.</span></p><p><a class="" href="https://bouamamas.wordpress.com/2025/07/03/le-colonialisme-de-peuplement-a-la-lumiere-de-fanon/#_ftnref18" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">[18] </a><span> Frantz Fanon, <em>Why We Use Violence, </em>Speech given at the Accra Conference, April 1960, in <em>Year V of the Algerian Revolution, </em>Complete Works, op. cit., pp. 413 and 418.</span></p><p><span>[19] Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom, Fayard, Paris, 1996, p. 647.</span></p><p><strong><em><span>Said Bouamama is a French Algerian sociologist and activist who is the author of over a dozen books, his latest, Manual on Immigration (2021), For a Revolutionary Panafricanism (2023) Strategic Manual on Palestine and the Middle East (2024) among others</span></em></strong></p> <p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20214" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20214</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-imperialism/" target="_blank">#antiImperialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/settler-colonialism/" target="_blank">#settlerColonialism</a></p>
Julius Zukowski-Krebs<p>Another great episode of Acid Horizon, discussing collective revolutionary potentialities in history through the relationship between Sartre and Fanon! Cannot recommend this enough!</p><p><a href="https://open.spotify.com/episode/7xqdjaUVOZkVTIKROevGwe?si=qYw80XmOTR6d13Eor66K9g" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">open.spotify.com/episode/7xqdj</span><span class="invisible">aUVOZkVTIKROevGwe?si=qYw80XmOTR6d13Eor66K9g</span></a></p><p><a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/acidhorizon" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>acidhorizon</span></a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/sartre" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>sartre</span></a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/fanon" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>fanon</span></a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/philosophy" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>philosophy</span></a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/revolution" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>revolution</span></a> <a href="https://mstdn.social/tags/anticolonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="tag">#<span>anticolonialism</span></a></p>
IHC<p>🗣 We've opened a call for papers for the workshop ‘The Organization of African Unity and the Struggle against Colonialism and Racism in Africa’, which will take place at NOVA FCSH (Lisbon) on 13 and 14 November 2025.</p><p>ℹ️ <a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/events/oau-struggle/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/en/events/oau-</span><span class="invisible">struggle/</span></a></p><p><span class="h-card" translate="no"><a href="https://a.gup.pe/u/histodons" class="u-url mention" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@<span>histodons</span></a></span> <br><span class="h-card" translate="no"><a href="https://a.gup.pe/u/histodon" class="u-url mention" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">@<span>histodon</span></a></span> </p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/CFP" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>CFP</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/OAU" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>OAU</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/OrganizationOfAfricanUnity" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>OrganizationOfAfricanUnity</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiRacism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiRacism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiApartheid" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiApartheid</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Africa" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Africa</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Multilateralism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Multilateralism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Diplomacy" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Diplomacy</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/InternationalRelations" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>InternationalRelations</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Solidarity" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Solidarity</span></a></p>
Demo Ticker Berlin<p>💥Announcement! Saturday 05.07.2025💥</p><p>🇵🇸 Unpacking Colonial Extractivism in Palestine: Past and Present 🇵🇸</p><p>Saturday, 5 July 2025 | 2 p.m. | Sunday, 6 July 2025 | 2:30 p.m. | Spore Initiative Hermannstraße 86, 12051 Berlin</p><p>Arrival: U8 Leinestraße</p><p>📣 Call: <a href="https://asanb.noblogs.org/?p=12169" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="">asanb.noblogs.org/?p=12169</span><span class="invisible"></span></a> - @globalsouthunited</p><p><a href="https://todon.eu/tags/b0507" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>b0507</span></a> <a href="https://todon.eu/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a></p><p>What does British Mandate land law have to do with today’s gas extraction in Gaza?<br>How do empire and energy intertwine to dispossess and dominate?</p><p>Join us for two powerful, interconnected workshops exploring how colonial extractivism in Palestine was built — and how it continues until this very date.</p><p>In the framework of the symposium at Spore “Present Continous” <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DLUWa0_MSM0/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://www.</span><span class="">instagram.com/p/DLUWa0_MSM0/</span><span class="invisible"></span></a></p><p>🗓 July 05 Workshop 1 – Unpacking Energy Imperialism<br>Dive into global systems of energy domination—from fossil fuels to corporate complicity—in Palestine and beyond.</p><p>How British rule (1917–1948) laid the legal & infrastructural groundwork for Zionist control of land and energy in Palestine.</p><p>🗓 July 06 Workshop 2 – Colonial Continuities British Mandate Policies and the Foundations of Resource Extraction in Palestine<br>How British rule (1917–1948) laid the legal & infrastructural groundwork for Zionist control of land and energy in Palestine.</p>
Demo Ticker Berlin<p>💥Ankündigung! Samstag 05.07.2025💥</p><p>🇵🇸 Kolonialer Rohstoffabbau in Palästina: Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 🇵🇸</p><p>Samstag, 05.07.2025 | 14:00 Uhr | Sonntag, 06.07.2025 | 14:30 Uhr | Spore Initiative Hermannstraße 86, 12051 Berlin</p><p>Anreise: U8 Leinestraße</p><p>📣 Aufruf: <a href="https://asanb.noblogs.org/?p=12169" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="">asanb.noblogs.org/?p=12169</span><span class="invisible"></span></a> - @globalsouthunited</p><p><a href="https://todon.eu/tags/b0507" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>b0507</span></a> <a href="https://todon.eu/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a></p><p>Was hat das britische Mandatslandrecht mit der heutigen Gasförderung in Gaza zu tun?</p><p>Wie greifen Imperium und Energie ineinander, um zu enteignen und zu dominieren?</p><p>Nehmen Sie an zwei spannenden, miteinander verbundenen Workshops teil, in denen wir untersuchen, wie der koloniale Rohstoffabbau in Palästina entstanden ist – und wie er bis heute fortbesteht.</p><p>Im Rahmen des Symposiums „Present Continous” im Spore <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DLUWa0_MSM0/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://www.</span><span class="">instagram.com/p/DLUWa0_MSM0/</span><span class="invisible"></span></a></p><p>🗓 05. Juli Workshop 1 – Energieimperialismus entschlüsseln<br>Tauchen Sie ein in globale Systeme der Energiedominanz – von fossilen Brennstoffen bis hin zur Komplizenschaft von Unternehmen – in Palästina und darüber hinaus.</p><p>Wie die britische Herrschaft (1917–1948) die rechtlichen und infrastrukturellen Grundlagen für die zionistische Kontrolle über Land und Energie in Palästina schuf.</p>
IHC<p>No dia 20 de Julho, vamos assinalar o centenário do nascimento de <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/FrantzFanon" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>FrantzFanon</span></a> com uma conversa que serve de mote para um ciclo que se realizará no início de 2026. Acolhe-nos a Casa do Comum do Bairro Alto e são nossos convidados/a Flávio Almada, Francisco Vidal, Vânia Sanhá.</p><p>ENTRADA LIVRE</p><p>ℹ️ <a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sair-grande-noite/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sair-gr</span><span class="invisible">ande-noite/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiRacism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiRacism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/LiberationMovements" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>LiberationMovements</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiRacismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiRacismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/MovimentosDeLiberta%C3%A7%C3%A3o" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>MovimentosDeLibertação</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Decolonization" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Decolonization</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Descoloniza%C3%A7%C3%A3o" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Descolonização</span></a></p>
abolitionmedia<p><strong>Tribute to the Father of the Independence of the DRC, Émery Patrice Lumumba</strong></p><p></p> <p class="">Today, June 30, 2025, the new clothes of Congo’s independence still conceal the old chains of imperialist oppression that still weigh on our people.</p> <p class="">Your words, spoken in the historic speech of June 30, 1960, are like knives that expose the colonial lie. They hunted you down like a buffalo, you, the lion who refused the zoo.</p><p class="">On January 17, 1961, they thought they could erase your name from the history of this republic by throwing your body into acid, but how can you dissolve a flash in memory? How can you dissolve a doctrine, a political movement, an ideology of the liberation of peoples in acid?</p><p class="">You are absent to celebrate June 30th with your people, but your voice and your action for their liberation roll into the hands of the Wazalendos, who oppose the balkanization of the Congo, in the cries of indignation of our people of Kivu under occupation of the Rwandan terrorists of the M23, in the cries of bitterness of the minor children. Slaves of the multinationals in Kivu, formerly Katanga and in Ituri, become the theater of imperialist domination, the silence of the women raped by Rwandan soldiers in Kivu rises, without justice because your people have become a race that imperialism cannot believe or treat fairly.</p><p class="">Le peuple congolais est une race qui ne peut pas avoir justice, la colonisation impérialiste frappe encore notre économie et notre peuple. Nous sommes là pour reprendre ton combat avec dignité et combattre les puissances impérialistes jusqu’à la victoire, car notre cause est juste.</p><p class="">They killed Lumumba to destroy independence and its people, but the seed germinates in the cries of indignation of the Marsavoco civil servants who march every day to the Ministry of Justice without anyone listening to their cries of distress. There are also the cries of youth struck by unemployment, the cries of injustice that Western multinationals steal our wealth to leave poverty and misery to our people. The independence of the Democratic Republic of Congo is sullied and flouted, this “gift” independence is not the one you evoke in your political testament. Yes, the seed germinates every day to reject imperialist domination.</p><p class="">We are going through a period of negation of Pan-Africanism, which you adapted together with Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, Omar Mukhtar of Libya, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Agostino Neto of Angola, Samora Machel of Mozambique, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Milton Obote of Uganda, Ahmadou Ahidjo of Cameroon, Barthélémy Boganda of the Central African Republic, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sékou Touré of Guinea, Léopold Sédar Senghor of Senegal, Modibo Keita of Mali, Hamani Diori of Niger, Hubert Maga of Benin.</p><p class="">These emblematic figures of the struggle for African independence are today hidden by the act of treason that Paul Kagame has just committed by massacring the Congolese people to satisfy the Americans and the Europeans. Since your struggle, Africa has become a vast fairground for Western imperialism, without a master because of unworthy sons like Paul Kagame and Museveni who work on behalf of imperialism to sabotage the continent.</p><p class=""><span class="">African solidarity is being sabotaged within the African Union, which is merely following the dictates of the United States and Europe. We are living in a time of shame and humiliation for our African independence. Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Amilcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau, as well as Steve Biko, the great anti-apartheid activist, are weeping in their graves over this denial of the history of the African struggle for independence. President Paul Kagame has betrayed Africa; may he henceforth be the plaything of the African wind and his descendants, for having openly killed Africans in the Congo to satisfy his imperialist masters.</span></p><p class="">The Congo is at the heart of Africa, the trigger of the revolver that is the continent. Whoever controls the Congo controls Africa, because you, Patrice Emery Lumumba, believed in the influence of all of Africa based on the riches of the Congo. The imperialist powers of our time want to control the minerals of the Congo to better dominate the continent. The DRC is this geological scandal where a corrupt elite minority and imperialist foreigners enrich themselves, while the majority of our people live in poverty.</p><p class="">As long as the neocolonial system persists, the Congo will not benefit from its riches. Thus, we have adopted your philosophy of the liberation of the Congo as our doctrine, and we will continue the fight until victory. We will never again accept forced child labor in mines under inhumane conditions, and we will continue to demand the economic independence of this beautiful country.</p><p class="">Dubai has become a laundering ground for illegal Congolese gold. Rwanda and Uganda, under the cover of imperialist nations, illegally export gold, coltan, and cobalt from the Congo, with the complicity of armed terrorist groups like the M23, but also, and above all, thanks to local production. Mafia networks linked to corrupt elites in the army and the civilian population are betraying your struggle and your people. You, Lumumba, wanted political and economic independence. This position is ours. We will bring a different rhythm to the struggle against Western imperialism and its vassals in Africa for the liberation of the Congo.</p><p class="">Foreign companies are taking control of the mines in the Democratic Republic of Congo, with leonine and opaque contracts. Everyone wants to systematically plunder the DRC’s riches. With this approach, the influence of all of Africa, as advocated by Pan-Africanism, will remain an illusion. We pledge not to give in to blackmail and fear: imperialism will not forever reign over the Congo. We will defeat imperialism. The Congo is the land of our ancestors, not the storehouse of multinationals.</p><p class="">The Cold War between China and the United States has just begun in the DRC. Kagame has just facilitated Western imperialism by allowing the plundering of our wealth. A Black man in a colonial uniform is worse than the European colonizers. The people of Kivu are under domination, but today we celebrate 65 years of our independence. I believe in the pure sunshine of Congolese independence, I believe in your struggle. The chains of imperialist domination must fall.</p><p class="">Sixty-five years after our independence, the Congolese people are still under the yoke of the hypocrisy of the imperialist colonists. A lion does not fear the capacity of the corrupt political elites and addresses you directly on this Independence Day, because I believe in your phrase: “Without dignity, there is no freedom; without justice, there is no dignity.” We have known the whip of slavery, we will never tolerate it again.</p><p class="">The Congolese people will never again submit to the chains of domination and slavery. To resist is to exist. We will resist and fight the imperialists until victory. Oppression will not reign forever.</p><p class="">Long live Emery Patrice Lumumba, he is great.</p><p class="">Long live the independence of the DRC!</p><p class="">Long live Emery Patrice Lumumba, he is great!</p><p class="">Long live the DRC, long live Emery Patrice Lumumba, long live Boswa Isekombe, long live Sylvere.</p><p class="">Homeland or death, we will win!</p><p class="">Boswa Isekombe Sylvere,<br>Secretary General of the Congolese Communist Party. The lion with the red heart.</p> <p><a href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=20070" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=</span><span class="invisible">20070</span></a></p><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/africa/" target="_blank">#africa</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-colonialism/" target="_blank">#antiColonialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/anti-imperialism/" target="_blank">#antiImperialism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/congo/" target="_blank">#congo</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/lumumba/" target="_blank">#lumumba</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/tag/resistance/" target="_blank">#resistance</a></p>
vy<p><a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/anticolonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>anticolonialism</span></a> <a href="https://mastodon.social/tags/antisemitism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>antisemitism</span></a> </p><p><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/an-anishinaabe-zionist-on-how-indigenous-history-is-weaponized-to-promote-antisemitism/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://www.</span><span class="ellipsis">timesofisrael.com/an-anishinaa</span><span class="invisible">be-zionist-on-how-indigenous-history-is-weaponized-to-promote-antisemitism/</span></a></p>
IHC<p>Esta tarde, o Joint International Workshop “Hopes and Fears. Anti-colonial and Postcolonial Imaginaries in the Lusotopy and Beyond” promove uma conversa aberta entre Manuela Ribeiro Sanches (IHC) e Marçal de Menezes Paredes (PUCRS).</p><p>Todas e todos são bem-vindos!</p><p>ℹ️ <a href="https://ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sobre-imaginarios/" rel="nofollow noopener" translate="no" target="_blank"><span class="invisible">https://</span><span class="ellipsis">ihc.fcsh.unl.pt/events/sobre-i</span><span class="invisible">maginarios/</span></a></p><p><a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Histodons" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Histodons</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/PostColonialism" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>PostColonialism</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Lusotopy" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Lusotopy</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Imaginaries" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Imaginaries</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/AntiColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>AntiColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/P%C3%B3sColonialismo" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>PósColonialismo</span></a> <a href="https://masto.pt/tags/Imagin%C3%A1rios" class="mention hashtag" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">#<span>Imaginários</span></a></p>
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